A new $37 million bridge in Jefferson County is being celebrated as a triumph of climate resilience, salmon restoration, and tribal leadership. But behind the ribbon cuttings and ceremonial blessings are larger questions taxpayers should be asking. Why was a Clallam County tribe leading a major infrastructure project in another county? Why is a bridge paid for with public funds decorated with the symbols of a sovereign nation? And why are many of the same organizations involved in regional flood-control projects continuing to receive public trust despite the unresolved questions surrounding the Towne Road debacle?

When most people think about major transportation projects, they assume local governments are in charge.

Jefferson County roads are managed by Jefferson County. State highways are managed by WSDOT. Federal highways are managed by federal agencies.

Yet when the ribbon was cut on the new Twana Bridge in Quilcene last month, the organization front and center was not Jefferson County. It was the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe.

According to the Tribe’s June 2026 newsletter, the project has been more than a decade in the making and includes replacement of the old 81-foot bridge on Linger Longer Road with a new 1,140-foot structure spanning the Big Quilcene River. The overall construction effort is expected to cost approximately $37 million. The project was funded through a combination of state and federal sources secured by the Tribe and project partners. The actual construction work was performed by outside contractors, including Cascade Bridge and Bruch & Bruch Construction.

The newsletter portrays the bridge as much more than a transportation project.

It is repeatedly described as a climate-resilience project, a flood-reduction project, and a salmon-restoration project.

Jamestown Chairman and CEO Ron Allen stated:

“Replacement of the bridge restores the natural function of the river, a healthy habitat supporting salmon recovery, and honors the deep cultural connections of the S’Klallam people.”

The newsletter further explains that restoration work will create what it calls “world class salmon habitat” that will produce large numbers of salmon “for the benefit of the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe and other treaty tribes as well as non-treaty fishers.”

It also states that restoration of the floodplain will provide major benefits for shellfish habitat in Quilcene Bay and further the Tribe’s goal of enhancing treaty resources.

Those statements deserve attention.

Treaty resources are not simply an environmental concept. They are economic resources. Salmon, shellfish, and other marine species support tribal fisheries and harvest opportunities. The newsletter openly acknowledges that habitat restoration associated with this bridge project is expected to increase those resources.

None of that is hidden. The Tribe proudly says so.

But it raises an obvious question.

If the bridge serves transportation needs for the public, flood-control objectives for the community, and resource enhancement objectives for the Tribe, how much of the project was driven by public infrastructure needs versus resource-management goals? Taxpayers deserve to understand the answer.

Another question involves symbolism.

Photos from the dedication ceremony show the bridge adorned with Jamestown S’Klallam artwork and tribal design elements. The newsletter celebrates the bridge with tribal songs, blessings, cedar brushing ceremonies, and extensive tribal branding.

There is nothing inherently wrong with recognizing the cultural history of a region.

But this is not a bridge on tribal land. It is not a private facility. It is a public bridge funded through public dollars and intended for use by everyone.

Some residents may reasonably ask whether infrastructure funded by all taxpayers should be presented primarily through the lens of a single government or cultural group, regardless of who led the project.

The newsletter also repeatedly emphasizes flood protection.

According to project descriptions, the new bridge and levee improvements are intended to provide protection exceeding a 1,000-year flood standard and improve safety for downstream residents.

That sounds reassuring.

Yet many residents of Clallam County may remember another flood-related project involving the Jamestown Tribe: Towne Road.

During that project, the Jamestown Corporation deliberately removed a dike before replacement protections were fully in place, exposing hundreds of downstream residents to substantial flood risk. Internal communications released during subsequent investigations described scenarios so severe that one tribal communication referenced helicopters circling a disaster area and speculating about the number of fatalities.

Years later, residents are still asking for a full accounting of what happened, who made critical decisions, how much it cost, and what lessons were learned.

Those questions remain largely unanswered.

That history makes the Twana Bridge project impossible to evaluate in isolation.

If organizations seek public trust as leaders in regional flood-control and restoration projects, they should also be willing to address concerns surrounding previous projects where things did not go according to plan.

To be clear, the Twana Bridge appears to be a remarkable engineering achievement. Replacing a flood-prone bridge with a modern structure that improves access and reduces flood exposure is a worthwhile accomplishment.

But public infrastructure should always come with public accountability.

The newsletter celebrates the bridge as a victory for climate resilience, salmon restoration, treaty resources, transportation infrastructure, and community partnerships.

What it does not fully address are the broader questions many taxpayers are asking:

• Why was a Clallam County tribe the lead force behind a major Jefferson County transportation project?

• How much influence do tribal priorities have in determining which regional infrastructure projects move forward?

• What public oversight exists when projects are funded through a complex web of federal grants, state agencies, nonprofits, counties, and tribal governments?

• And why, after the controversies surrounding Towne Road, has there never been a complete public reckoning with what happened there?

Those are questions worth asking.

One final note: the Jamestown newsletter itself is worth reading.

Tribal Newsletter June 2026 Digital

7.9MB ∙ PDF file

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For years, these publications provided a fascinating look inside one of the North Olympic Peninsula’s largest employers, most influential institutions, and most politically connected organizations. The newsletters contain information on economic development, natural resources, healthcare, cultural programs, government affairs, and major regional projects that affect the entire community.

Today, those newsletters are no longer readily available to the general public.

That is unfortunate.

Whether residents agree with the Tribe’s priorities or not, understanding the activities of one of the most powerful organizations on the Olympic Peninsula is important for anyone trying to understand how the region is changing.

Today’s Tidbit

The Jamestown newsletter contained several other noteworthy items. Among them was the Tribe’s continued promotion of a weekly food bank pop-up event held at the Jefferson County Immigrant Rights Advocates Multicultural Center in Port Townsend. According to the announcement, no income verification is required to receive food assistance. However, participation is limited to individuals who identify as Black, Indigenous, or other people of color, as well as members of the 2SLGBTQIA+ community.

The newsletter also highlights opportunities for non-tribal community members to volunteer in the Jamestown community garden. Participants are invited to help maintain the garden while bringing their own beverages and a food item to share. The invitation presents an interesting dynamic: members of the public donating their time and labor to support a community garden operated by one of the most financially successful and influential organizations on the North Olympic Peninsula.

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When Clallam County’s controversial Conservation District parcel fee came up for a vote, Commissioner Mike French cast the lone dissenting vote and portrayed himself as standing up for struggling rural residents. But public records, meeting footage, and even French’s own campaign statements tell a different story. Long before the fee reached the commissioners’ desk, French was one of the Conservation District’s strongest advocates, openly questioning why county government wasn’t doing more to permanently fund the agency. So what changed? The fee—or the politics surrounding it?

Here we are in the first year of the Clallam Conservation District collecting its controversial $5-per-parcel fee, a revenue stream projected to transfer roughly $2 million from property owners to the agency over the next decade.

The Conservation District has a fresh new website, a polished public image, and ambitions to expand its role. The county commissioners even approved a generous new payscale for district employees.

According to an April presentation to county commissioners, however, the agency is still working to determine exactly “where its place is” in county wildfire planning. District leaders also indicated they need to do a better job telling their story and are considering hiring a consultant to help do it.

Meanwhile, the agency recently submitted a letter of support to the Washington Department of Ecology backing a Jamestown Corporation proposal to identify alternative irrigation water sources for the Cedars at Dungeness Golf Course, including the possibility of drilling deeper wells to keep the 122-acre course green during the driest months of the year.

That detail is particularly noteworthy because tribal trust lands—including the golf course—are exempt from the parcel fee. In other words, ordinary property owners are paying the fee while the Conservation District is spending time supporting efforts that could benefit landowners who do not pay into the program at all.

Yet perhaps the most interesting story isn’t the Conservation District.

It’s Commissioner Mike French.

The Vote That Didn’t Match the Rhetoric

When the parcel fee came before the Board of Commissioners, the vote was not unanimous. Commissioners Mark Ozias and Randy Johnson supported the fee, while Commissioner Mike French cast the lone dissenting vote.

French explained that while he respected the Conservation District and valued its work, he was uncomfortable asking residents in the western half of the county—many of whom live in rural and economically struggling communities—to pay a fee when much of the CCD’s focus appeared concentrated in eastern Clallam County. He challenged the agency to provide more services to District 3 residents, mentioning possibilities such as rainwater catchment programs and septic-related assistance, and repeatedly apologized for voting against the measure.

To many observers, it sounded like a principled stand on behalf of rural taxpayers. It was one of the few times the commissioners did not vote in lockstep and one of the rare occasions where French positioned himself in opposition to a new fee.

There was only one problem.

Just weeks earlier, French had been making the exact opposite argument.

Three Weeks Earlier

During discussions surrounding the Conservation District on September 2nd, French argued passionately that the agency provided essential public benefits and that county residents depended on its work.

“The most essential need that we as humans have is water,” he said. “It’s clean and available water.”

French emphasized that both residents and commerce relied on the Conservation District’s expertise and suggested that ensuring stable funding for the organization was an important public responsibility. While he expressed some hesitation about enforcement provisions that could place liens against property owners who failed to pay the fee, he ultimately accepted those provisions because they would help ensure the fee could actually be collected.

More notably, French voiced support for the ten-year duration of the fee because it effectively “locks the people in.”

That is a remarkable statement for a politician who now frequently campaigns on affordability concerns and the financial pressures facing working families. The same commissioner who later voted against the fee had previously defended the mechanisms that would make the fee mandatory, enforceable, and long-lasting.

So which Mike French is the real Mike French?

The answer may lie not in the parcel fee debate itself, but in comments French made years before he became a county commissioner.

Rewind Four Years

To answer that question, it helps to go back to October 2022, when then-Port Angeles City Councilmember Mike French participated in a League of Women Voters virtual candidate forum against incumbent Commissioner Bill Peach.

The moderator asked a question that remains relevant today: How can Clallam County ensure a sufficient water supply while continuing to build housing developments?

Peach discussed long-term planning and the Dungeness River Off-Channel Reservoir. French’s answer took a different direction.

Rather than focusing on a specific water project, French praised the Conservation District extensively and expressed disappointment that county commissioners were not doing more to provide stable funding for the organization.

“One question I was disappointed that no Clallam County Commissioner asked was how can we plan on permanently supporting the Clallam County Conservation District’s budget to make sure that they’re not just dependent on grants to make sure that they’re doing the work to preserve our water quality and quantity all the time whether or not a yearly grant cycle doesn’t go their way.”

Years before the parcel fee proposal reached the Board of Commissioners, Mike French was publicly calling for permanent funding for the Conservation District. Not temporary funding. Not grant funding. Permanent funding.

The parcel fee that eventually came before the commissioners would accomplish exactly what French had argued for years earlier.

In hindsight, one could reasonably argue that the commissioner who ultimately voted against the fee was also one of the people most responsible for laying the philosophical groundwork supporting it.

What French Believes About Rural Living

The debate footage also provides a revealing glimpse into how French views growth, development, and rural communities.

During the same discussion, he argued that Clallam County’s high number of private wells was evidence of poor planning.

“Clallam County I believe has the most private wells per capita of any county in the state,” French said. “That means that we haven’t done a good job planning around water use in the past.”

For many residents, that statement is worth pausing on.

French wasn’t simply discussing water policy. He was describing one of the defining characteristics of rural Clallam County as evidence of planning failure.

He went on to argue that dense urban housing conserves more water and energy than rural development, stating that “building dense urban housing does more to conserve water and energy than anything else we can do.”

Throughout the discussion, French repeatedly emphasized clustering people together in urban areas and limiting suburban sprawl. He argued that suburban development results in people relying on individual wells, driving longer distances, and consuming more resources.

“Suburban sprawl is where we lose all of that conservation opportunity,” French said. “Where people have individual wells, where people are driving long distances and using those natural resources.”

He continued by arguing that cities are where future density should be concentrated because residents can share infrastructure and resources more efficiently.

That perspective may resonate with planners and environmental advocates, but many rural residents would likely see things differently.

People do not move to Joyce, Beaver, Clallam Bay, Agnew, or other unincorporated parts of Clallam County because they want to live in dense housing developments. They move there specifically because they do not. The ability to own property, maintain a private well, enjoy open space, and live independently is not viewed as a planning failure by many county residents. It is the very reason they chose to live there in the first place.

The comments are revealing because they demonstrate that French’s support for the Conservation District was never simply about water quality. It was connected to a broader vision of land use, growth management, housing density, and how people should live.

The Politics of a Dissenting Vote

This is where timing becomes difficult to ignore.

After Jake Seegers delivered 1,032 signatures from residents opposing the parcel fee, public opposition became impossible to dismiss. The proposal had become controversial, and elected officials knew it.

French also knew something else.

The votes were already there.
Ozias was going to support the fee.
Johnson was going to support the fee.
The measure was going to pass regardless of how French voted.

A dissenting vote suddenly carried very little risk.

The Conservation District would still receive its permanent funding. The fee would still be collected. The agency would still get exactly what French had advocated for years earlier.

At the same time, French could position himself as the lone commissioner standing with taxpayers.

Whether that was genuine conviction or political strategy is something voters will have to decide for themselves. But it is difficult to ignore the optics. The commissioner who once publicly questioned why the county wasn’t permanently funding the Conservation District became the commissioner who voted against the funding mechanism only after it became politically unpopular.

With reelection looming, many observers viewed the vote less as a principled stand and more as a carefully calculated political maneuver. French could now claim he sided with the people while knowing the fee would pass anyway.

What the Record Reveals

The Conservation District got its funding. The fee passed. Property owners will continue paying it for the next decade.

What remains is a question of leadership.

As Mike French asks voters for another term, they will have to decide whether his opposition to the fee reflected a genuine change of heart or a politically convenient vote on a measure that was already guaranteed to pass.

The answer may say less about the Conservation District and more about the kind of leadership voters can expect in the years ahead.

Today’s Tidbit: Protecting Protection Island

Some of the very environmental advocates who helped create Protection Island National Wildlife Refuge are now raising concerns about the proposed transfer of the refuge to the Jamestown Corporation.

At a recent gathering at Cape George, longtime conservation leader Lorna Smith—who played a key role in the effort to establish Protection Island as a national wildlife refuge in the 1970s and 1980s—joined her husband Darrell Smith and others to discuss both the refuge’s history and unanswered questions surrounding the proposed transfer. Also attending were family members of Eleanor Stopps, one of the women credited with helping save the island through a grassroots campaign that ultimately won bipartisan support and President Ronald Reagan’s signature.

The Smiths questioned why ownership needs to change when the Tribe already receives federal funding to co-manage the refuge and tribal leaders have previously described the co-management arrangement as successful. They also raised concerns about future aquaculture activities, regulatory authority, public oversight, and whether future tribal leadership could make decisions that affect the refuge’s wildlife habitat without broader public input.

Whether readers agree with their concerns or not, it is important to recognize who is raising these questions. These are not anti-environment activists. They are people who dedicated decades of their lives to protecting Protection Island and Dungeness Spit in the first place.

For those interested in learning more about the history of the refuge and the concerns being raised, consider following and subscribing to conservation advocate Al Bergstein’s blog, where he continues to provide updates and commentary on this issue.

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A recent letter to the editor by League of Women Voters activist Ann Soule blames oil companies, the President, Congress, the Supreme Court, and nearly everyone else for high gasoline prices. What her letter never mentions is Washington State's own role in creating some of the highest fuel costs in America. The omissions raise an uncomfortable question: when activists support policies that directly increase fuel costs, can they fairly complain about the consequences those same policies create?

Many Clallam County residents recognize the name Ann Soule. She serves on the County’s Marine Resources Committee, which recommended to the commissioners that flooding in the Three Crabs area should be dealt with by “retreat or removal” of the homes and road.

Through the League of Women Voters, she has pushed for the creation of a county Water Steward position.

She has participated in Peninsula Behavioral Health initiatives, including turning the first shovelful of dirt at the NGO’s North View low-barrier, luxury, permanent housing complex — a publicly funded project that offers harbor views, rooftop terraces, a dog-washing station, and other amenities, with an average price of $350,000 per unit.

Recently, Soule authored a Peninsula Daily News letter titled “Oil Repercussions,” arguing that oil companies are reaping excessive profits while consumers struggle under high gasoline prices. In her view, political corruption, insider trading, corporate greed, and Republican leadership deserve much of the blame. What was missing from her analysis, however, was perhaps the single largest state-level factor affecting fuel prices in Washington: Washington State government itself.

The Missing Piece of the Story

Washington routinely ranks among the most expensive states in America for gasoline. At the time of this writing, only California has higher average fuel prices. Neighboring Idaho is more than a dollar per gallon cheaper.

If corporate greed alone explained the difference, one would expect similar prices throughout the region. Instead, Washington has spent years layering taxes, regulations, and climate policies onto the cost of fuel.

The most significant of those policies is the Climate Commitment Act. The CCA established a cap-and-invest carbon auction system that requires fuel suppliers to purchase emissions allowances before bringing fuel to market. Those costs are then passed through the supply chain and ultimately to consumers.

Whether someone supports or opposes the Climate Commitment Act, the basic economics are not controversial. The program increases the cost of fuel distribution in Washington.

A Return on Investment

What costs working families more money at the pump can simultaneously become additional revenue elsewhere.

State Senator Marko Liias, who represents the 21st Legislative District in Snohomish County—not the Olympic Peninsula—was one of the leading advocates for the transportation package that increased Washington’s gas tax by six cents per gallon last year. Campaign finance records show that the Jamestown Tribe made the maximum allowable contribution to Liias’ campaign in 2023.

At first glance, it raises an obvious question: why would a tribe on the Olympic Peninsula financially support a legislator from the Seattle-area suburbs?

One possible answer is that policy matters more than geography.

For most Washington residents, the six-cent gas tax increase means higher costs every time they fill their tank. But the impact extends far beyond gasoline. Because nearly everything on the Olympic Peninsula arrives by truck, fuel taxes become a hidden cost embedded in groceries, baby formula, building supplies, farm products, restaurant deliveries, and countless other necessities. Families pay the tax directly at the pump and indirectly through higher prices on everyday goods.

For some tribal fuel retailers, however, the equation looks different.

Under existing fuel-tax compacts, tribal gas stations can retain 75 percent of the state gas tax collected on fuel sales. That means a six-cent gas tax increase translates into roughly 4.5 cents per gallon in additional retained revenue for qualifying tribal stations.

If a high-volume station such as Jamestown’s Longhouse Market sells 400,000 gallons of fuel per month—a figure that is not unreasonable for a major highway fuel stop—that increase could generate approximately $18,000 in additional monthly revenue, or more than $216,000 per year.

Viewed through that lens, a $2,400 campaign contribution begins to look less like political generosity and more like a remarkably good investment.

The Tax Activists Support

A repeal effort targeting the Climate Commitment Act reached Washington voters. Among those campaigning to preserve the program was Clallam County Commissioner Mark Ozias. That support was hardly surprising. The Climate Commitment Act generates billions of dollars that flow to government agencies, environmental programs, nonprofits, and tribal governments, including projects involving the Jamestown Corporation, Ozias’ top campaign contributor.

The Water App Nobody Talks About

One example of a CCA beneficiary is the League of Women Voters’ Future of Water Committee, which helped develop a digital app allowing users to monitor Dungeness River flow conditions.

The project was presented as a community education tool and, on its face, appears civic-minded and useful. What received far less attention was where the funding originated.

According to publicly reported information, software development was financed through a grant administered by the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe using money that ultimately came from Washington’s Climate Commitment Act funding stream.

That means a project promoted by Soule and her colleagues was funded, at least indirectly, through revenues generated by the same climate policies contributing to Washington’s unusually high fuel prices.

Just Buy an EV?

Perhaps the most striking portion of Soule’s letter comes near the end, where she offers a solution to rising fuel prices: buy an electric vehicle or hybrid.

That recommendation may sound reasonable from the perspective of environmental activists, but for many Clallam County families, it reflects a disconnect from economic reality.

Median household income in the county hovers around $60,000 per year. Families are already struggling with housing costs, insurance increases, utility bills, inflation, and grocery prices.

Telling those families that the answer to expensive gasoline is purchasing a $40,000 vehicle is a bit like telling someone worried about food prices to buy a second refrigerator and start shopping in bulk.

Even used electric vehicles can cost tens of thousands of dollars. Many households simply do not have that kind of money available.

Selective Outrage

None of this means global events do not affect fuel prices. They do. Wars matter. Supply disruptions matter. International instability matters.

But acknowledging those realities does not require ignoring state policies that also increase costs.

What makes Soule’s letter noteworthy is not that she criticizes oil companies. Many people do. What stands out is the selective nature of the criticism.

When oil companies make money, she sees profiteering. When government-backed climate programs increase costs but fund projects supported by the “nonpartisan” League of Women Voters, those costs disappear from the conversation. When working families struggle with higher energy expenses, the solution becomes buying a different car. When policies supported by environmental activists create financial burdens for residents, responsibility is assigned elsewhere.

If gasoline prices are too high, every contributing factor should be on the table, including Washington’s carbon auctions, fuel taxes, regulatory costs, and the sovereign, governmental, and political interests that benefit from them. Ann Soule’s letter points toward oil companies, politicians in Washington D.C., and events happening thousands of miles away. It says very little about the policies, taxes, and beneficiaries much closer to home.

If we’re going to follow the money, the trail shouldn’t end when it becomes politically inconvenient.

Today’s Tidbit: Emily Randall

If you’d like to see how Congresswoman Emily Randall’s town hall in Chimacum went last week, the entire event was recorded and posted on YouTube.

5:30 — How can young people help?
9:25 — Transfer of National Wildlife Refuges to Jamestown Tribe #1.
16:50 — Transfer of National Wildlife Refuges #2.
19:20 — Can you help with kidnappings by ICE?
26:05 — How do we restore the Voting Rights Act?
31:00 — Lethal removal of seals and sea lions.
34:45 — Also, the lethal removal of marine mammals.
38:15 — Infectious diseases.
43:20 — Artificial Intelligence.
47:50 — Nationalizing Artificial Intelligence.
49:40 — Military Industrial Complex.

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Here is the Port Angeles Food Bank van mentioned in the podcast:

The real estate video also mentioned in the podcast:

The result is one of the most personal and revealing conversations yet about the District 3 County Commissioner candidate.

Listeners will learn about Seegers’ upbringing, his family’s roots in nonprofit medical work, his education, his year working in Manhattan’s financial world, and his current consulting role with a family investment company. For those wondering whether Seegers is really a “real estate investor,” the conversation explores his actual professional background in finance, portfolio management, business analysis, and family investments.

Bartee draws out stories about Seegers’ journey from Montana State University to Ohio State business school, his experience in New York finance, and ultimately why he chose to trade a high-powered career path for life on the Olympic Peninsula. The discussion also explores what motivated him to enter local politics after years of feeling that residents were being ignored by their elected officials.

The conversation goes beyond campaign talking points. Seegers explains his priorities for county government—public safety, economic development, fiscal responsibility, and affordability—and repeatedly emphasizes the importance of measuring outcomes rather than simply counting inputs. He argues that government should focus less on how many services are provided and more on whether those services actually improve lives.

Listeners will also get to know Johanna Bartee. She shares her perspective as a business owner, commercial property owner, and community volunteer who chose to return to the place she grew up. The discussion explores the challenges facing downtown Port Angeles, including public safety concerns, rising costs, and the struggle many small businesses face just to survive. Bartee also discusses the importance of financial literacy, responsible stewardship of taxpayer dollars, and why so many young people leave Clallam County and never return.

Together, the two examine the question that weighs heavily on many local families: Why aren’t more people able to build successful careers and raise families in the communities where they grew up? The answers touch on affordability, economic opportunity, entrepreneurship, education, and the future of the North Olympic Peninsula.

This episode also serves as the public unveiling of much of what voters will soon see in Seegers’ official voters’ pamphlet statement. While District 3 voters typically narrow the commissioner field to two candidates during the August primary, only two candidates have filed for the position this year. That means the August vote will not determine who advances, but it will provide the first indicator of voter sentiment heading into the general election.

In November, voters across Clallam County will decide who will occupy one of the most influential positions in county government. For anyone wanting to understand not just what Jake Seegers believes, but who he is, where he came from, and what experiences shaped those beliefs, this conversation offers a detailed look behind the campaign before ballots begin arriving in mailboxes.

The Voters’ Pamphlet

Elected Experience:

None

Professional Experience:

Portfolio Manager, Palomino Investments; Real Estate Investor; Founder, operator, former owner, The Natchez Pearl Inn; Buy-side analyst, Wilson Capital Management. Earlier roles: General manager and server, Mackenzie River Pizza Company; Substitute teacher; Preschool Spanish teacher; Ranch hand.

Education:

MBA (Investment Finance/Accounting), Ohio State University; BS, Biomedical Sciences, Montana State University.

Community Service:

4PA clean-up crew; 4PA Campus Committee; Surfrider and CoastSavers beach clean-ups; volunteer at Harbor of Hope. As a teenager, Jake served alongside his parents providing healthcare to the Tarahumara people in the mountains of Northern Mexico. He continues to pursue solutions directly with community members experiencing homelessness.

Candidate Statement:

It’s time for common-sense leadership. County government must focus on its core mission, which is to deliver essential services and empower efficient, community-driven solutions. If you elect me, every decision will be guided by two questions: Is it essential? Is it effective?

Public safety is my top priority. Failed policies have fueled homelessness and open drug abuse in our neighborhoods, parks, and watersheds. Instead of measuring inputs—beds filled, meals served, supplies distributed—we must measure outcomes: recovery from addiction and graduation from homelessness to self-sufficiency.

I will work to make Clallam County a magnet for high-quality, high-paying employers. Safe, clean public spaces, streamlined permitting, and skilled workforce development will give businesses confidence that their investments are protected and their partnerships valued.

Housing must be attainable for working families. I will push back on costly mandates, work to reduce county fees, and empower local solutions that expand affordability.

Drawing on my business background, I will restore oversight to the county budget. I’ll demand transparency and measurable results for every taxpayer dollar.

I’m running to restore public safety, economic opportunity, affordability, fiscal responsibility, and trust in local government. Together we can return to common-sense leadership.

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Editor’s Note: CC Watchdog editor Jeff Tozzer also serves as campaign manager for Jake Seegers during his run for Clallam County Commissioner, District 3. Learn more at www.JakeSeegers.com.

A simple email exchange between a Clallam County resident and Habitat for Humanity reflects a growing frustration across the county: taxpayers fund projects, commissioners celebrate the spending, and nonprofits ask for more money, but when citizens ask basic questions about results or accountability, the answers become vague. From stalled housing projects to nonprofit financial failures, the same pattern keeps repeating itself while residents asking questions are treated like the problem.

“The Project Is Not at the Stage to Share This Information Yet”

A short email exchange between a Clallam County resident and Habitat for Humanity of Clallam County may perfectly capture the culture that now defines local government.

The resident asked a simple question: What project was using the $800,000 the Clallam County Commissioners approved for Habitat through the county’s Opportunity Fund?

The money, Habitat explained, was going toward “Lyons Landing,” a proposed 45-home development in Carlsborg.

Then came the obvious follow-up question: Can taxpayers see the grant numbers, project numbers, and cost centers to understand how the money is being spent?

That answer was different.

“The project is not at the stage to share this information yet.” Habitat’s CEO, Colleen Robinson, was copied on the exchange more a week ago and, as of publication, has not responded to the resident’s questions.

It has now been a year and a half since county commissioners approved the funding. Aside from a ceremonial groundbreaking photo opportunity featuring county officials, Habitat leadership, and tribal representatives standing together with shovels in a vacant lot, little work has occurred on the property north of Sunny Farms in Carlsborg.

And that response — “we’re not ready to share that information yet” — says a great deal about how Clallam County now operates.

Public Money, Private Transparency

To be fair, Habitat for Humanity is legally within its rights. It is a nonprofit organization, not a government agency. Once taxpayer money leaves county government and is handed to an NGO, much of the public transparency disappears with it.

Citizens cannot demand internal budgets the way they can from government departments. Public records laws no longer apply in the same way. The money may have originated from taxpayers, but once it changes hands, public visibility ends.

That is exactly why oversight before funding approvals matters so much.

The controversy surrounding Lyons Landing began in late 2024 when the Opportunity Fund Advisory Board recommended awarding Habitat $800,000 for the project. The Opportunity Fund collects a portion of local sales tax revenue and distributes it to economic development projects throughout the county.

Problems emerged after it became public that Habitat did not intend to competitively bid major portions of the development. Instead, significant excavation, surveying, and concrete work was expected to go to Jamestown Corporation businesses. The issue raised eyebrows because Jamestown Corporation had also donated $50,000 to Habitat for Humanity.

The county paused the award for months while legal review examined whether public funds could legally be used in a project structure that appeared to bypass traditional competitive bidding requirements intended to protect taxpayers and ensure fair pricing.

Eventually, the funding was approved.

Today, the property still sits vacant.

That makes the public’s questions entirely reasonable. What work has been completed? How much of the $800,000 has been spent? What exactly are taxpayers funding?

Instead of answers, the public is increasingly told to simply trust the process.

When Journalism Starts Reading Like Advertising

At the same time taxpayers are being denied answers, local newspapers continue publishing glowing nonprofit-written features celebrating community partnerships, fundraising dinners, wine tastings, and awareness campaigns.

One recent Habitat for Humanity article spent far more time discussing silent auctions, wine festivals, and “turning strangers into supporters” than it did discussing measurable housing production.

Readers were told repeatedly how important Habitat’s mission is and why the organization needs continued support. What readers were not told was how many homes Habitat is currently delivering annually, how much each completed housing unit costs, how long projects are taking, or how much taxpayer money is now flowing into the organization from local government sources.

Another detail stood out as well. Many of Habitat’s major fundraising events are hosted at Jamestown Corporation properties, including Cedars at Dungeness.

That raises a reasonable question: do other local venues ever have the opportunity to host these high-profile nonprofit events and receive the economic benefit and exposure that comes with them? Or are these relationships increasingly concentrated among politically connected organizations and tribal enterprises?

The question becomes even more relevant given Habitat’s emphasis on its Native American Housing Liaison program and its close partnerships with Jamestown entities.

These are not unreasonable questions. In a healthy civic environment, they would simply be part of public accountability.

Instead, people who ask them are often treated as troublemakers.

The Humane Society Warning Signs Everyone Ignored

This same pattern has repeated itself across Clallam County for years.

One of the clearest examples occurred during a December 2023 Clallam County Commissioner work session involving the Olympic Peninsula Humane Society. Executive Director Luanne Hinkle appeared before commissioners requesting an increase in county funding from $104,000 annually to $125,000 annually.

Hinkle opened the presentation by explaining that her goal was to show commissioners that county money was “very well spent.”

Commissioners asked one of the most basic financial questions imaginable: what is the cost per kennel?

Hinkle said it was difficult to calculate.

No estimate was provided.

No follow-up pressure came from the commissioners.

During the presentation, Hinkle acknowledged that animals were regularly transferred into the shelter system from outside Clallam County. The discussion relied heavily on emotional appeals about vulnerable animals, overcrowding, and community tensions, but offered little hard financial analysis.

The commissioners praised the organization anyway.

Then came perhaps the most revealing moment of the entire meeting. As the discussion wrapped up, Commissioner Randy Johnson’s final question was not about costs, operational efficiency, or financial sustainability.

“Are you and your husband planning a trip when you retire?” he asked.

Within months, the Humane Society suffered a financial collapse that shocked much of the community. The Bark House facility shut down. Dog intake operations effectively stopped. Reports surfaced alleging serious internal dysfunction, including claims involving employee treatment and controlled substances intended for animals.

Financial records showed that while revenue had significantly declined, salaries and compensation had surged. IRS Form 990 filings showed total revenue dropping from roughly $1.5 million to $1.18 million in a single year, while salaries, compensation, and benefits increased from approximately $758,000 to more than $1 million.

Luanne Hinkle’s compensation jumped nearly 50 percent in one year, rising from about $95,000 to nearly $142,000.

At the same time, tax documents showed that only 8% of total spending went directly toward animal care itself.

Yet despite all of this, the Humane Society had already received taxpayer support, public praise, and minimal scrutiny from county leadership.

The Weekly NGO Parade

And that is the broader story here.

Every week, nonprofits rotate through county commissioner meetings asking for taxpayer money. Housing nonprofits. Behavioral health nonprofits. Arts nonprofits. Food nonprofits. Animal nonprofits. Outreach nonprofits.

The presentations are almost always emotional. The scrutiny is almost always light.

The commissioners routinely thank the organizations for their work, praise their missions, and approve additional funding. Sometimes those same commissioners simultaneously sit on boards connected to the very nonprofits receiving public money.

One recent example is OlyCAP’s “safe parking” program in Sequim, where over $118,000 in taxpayer funding was approved for what amounts to three overnight parking spaces. Residents asking where the money is going and what measurable outcomes justify the expense have struggled to get clear answers from either OlyCAP or the county.

The silence is especially troubling because Commissioner Mike French not only voted on funding connected to OlyCAP, but he also sits on OlyCAP’s board. That dual role creates an obvious expectation for transparency and accountability, yet residents increasingly feel they are met with silence.

Questions about measurable outcomes, operational efficiency, and financial accountability are often secondary to narratives about compassion, partnerships, and community investment.

Meanwhile, taxpayers increasingly feel like the only people ever told “no” are the citizens asking for transparency.

The Disappearance of the Local Watchdog

The larger problem is cultural.

Local journalism once acted as a watchdog over government and public spending. Increasingly, many local publications now resemble public relations platforms for government agencies, nonprofits, and publicly funded initiatives.

Residents are constantly told how transformative programs are, how critical funding is, and why even more taxpayer support is necessary.

What is often missing are measurable outcomes and adversarial scrutiny.

How many homes were built?
How many people exited homelessness permanently?
How much did each project cost taxpayers?
What are the actual performance metrics?
What happens when organizations fail?

Those questions are becoming rarer and rarer.

Instead, the public is asked to trust institutions that increasingly resist transparency while continuing to demand larger amounts of taxpayer money.

This Is the Culture Now

This has become the norm in Clallam County.

Government praises nonprofits. Nonprofits praise government. Local media amplifies both. Taxpayers fund the entire system while struggling to obtain basic answers about where the money went and whether any of it is actually working.

Commissioners get to look compassionate and generous while handing out public money. NGOs receive funding, glowing media coverage, and reduced scrutiny. Meanwhile, residents asking hard questions are portrayed as cynical, divisive, or anti-community.

And while millions continue flowing into studies, outreach programs, partnerships, consultants, and nonprofit initiatives, many residents increasingly feel the county’s most basic responsibilities — public safety, infrastructure, accountability, and transparency — are slipping further out of reach.

This is not an isolated incident.

It is the culture.

And until voters demand something different, the revolving door will continue spinning exactly as it does now.

Today’s Tidbit: Jake in Joyce

Join County Commissioner candidate Jake Seegers this Saturday at the Joyce General Store for a casual Community Conversation focused on the future of Clallam County.

Stop by anytime between noon and 2pm to meet Jake, share your concerns, pick up a yard sign, and sign the growing petition to restore access to Olympic National Park by reopening Olympic Hot Springs Road into the Elwha Valley.

The petition effort is calling on state and federal leaders to prioritize restoring one of the county’s most important recreational and economic corridors. Reopening the road is about more than access — it’s about supporting local tourism, protecting gateway communities, and reconnecting families to one of the most iconic areas of the Olympic Peninsula.

Residents are encouraged to stop in, ask questions, and be part of the conversation about public safety, government accountability, economic priorities, and the future direction of Clallam County.

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For years, Port Angeles residents reported the same man wandering into traffic, trespassing, exposing himself, and generating constant police and medical responses. No one realized the familiar figure from the local street scene was allegedly a fugitive tied to a nationally publicized 2008 double murder cold case once featured on America’s Most Wanted. Now sitting in the Clallam County Jail, Johnny Steven Talbert’s arrest is raising difficult questions about public safety and how someone accused of such horrific crimes could spend more than a decade cycling through local systems unnoticed.

For over a decade, Johnny Steven Talbert drifted through Port Angeles as one of the familiar faces of the local street scene. According to police records, Port Angeles officers had contacts with him going back to at least 2011, while residents on social media were documenting incidents involving him as far back as 2017 and likely earlier.

Now, Talbert sits in the Clallam County Jail as a fugitive wanted in North Carolina for a 2008 double murder and armed robbery cold case that once appeared on America’s Most Wanted. He was arrested in the 2300 block of West 18th Street in Port Angeles. The Serenity House homeless shelter is located at 2321 West 18th Street.

According to the Peninsula Daily News, Talbert is accused of killing Donna Barnhardt, a longtime office manager at the Sun Drop bottling plant, and Darrell Noles, a church choir leader who had simply stopped by to apply for a job.

Police believe nearly $10,000 was stolen during the robbery.

In a detailed news release, the Concord, North Carolina Police Department described the arrest as a major breakthrough in the nearly 18-year-old “Sun Drop Murders” cold case. Investigators said Talbert was identified after detectives reexamined evidence, pursued previously undeveloped leads, and continued forensic testing as technology evolved over the years.

Concord detectives reportedly contacted the Port Angeles Police Department in December 2025, then traveled to Washington earlier this month as the investigation intensified. Talbert was arrested May 21, 2026 by Port Angeles Police without incident and is currently awaiting extradition to North Carolina on two counts of first-degree murder and one count of robbery with a dangerous weapon.

What’s puzzling is that somehow, Talbert ended up almost 3,000 miles away in Port Angeles.

Why Clallam County?

Why do people from across the country with severe instability, criminal histories, addiction problems, warrants, or untreated mental illness keep finding their way here?

For years, local residents repeatedly documented Talbert wandering into traffic, trespassing, exposing himself publicly, causing disturbances, requiring welfare checks, sleeping in stairwells, and generating constant police and medical responses. Social media scanner pages show incident after incident stretching over years.

The scale of these interactions is staggering. According to the Olympic Herald, a review of Port Angeles Police Department records showed approximately 288 contacts with Talbert since his first documented police contact in Port Angeles in November 2011. Those records reportedly include 14 arrests, two of them felonies.

Every single incident consumed scarce public resources.

Police time. Jail bookings. Court appearances. EMS responses. Outreach contacts. Behavioral health interventions. Shelter systems. Food programs. Transportation assistance. Public sanitation. Taxpayer-funded nonprofit services. Public defenders. Hospital care. Repeat contacts over and over and over again.

Residents are now asking how many local outreach workers, social workers, nonprofit employees, volunteers, and publicly funded agencies had interactions with Talbert over the years without knowing they were dealing with a man now accused of a double homicide.

And residents are also asking a larger question: Does Clallam County’s growing homelessness and addiction infrastructure unintentionally advertise itself as a safe harbor for people trying to disappear?

Free food. Free transportation. Free medical care. Free paraphernalia. Housing prioritization. Outreach teams. Safe parking programs. Hygiene vouchers. Permanent supportive housing.

When Peninsula Behavioral Health’s new luxury permanent supportive housing complex opens, officials have already stated that individuals with frequent incarceration histories will be prioritized for placement.

That reality lands differently now for many residents reading about Talbert’s arrest.

Some residents are bluntly asking whether Clallam County has unintentionally created a system where unstable and dangerous individuals can survive indefinitely on taxpayer-supported services while drifting deeper into addiction, mental illness, criminality, or violent behavior.

Others are asking how many more people hiding in plain sight may already be here.

And perhaps the hardest question of all:

How does someone wanted in connection with a nationally publicized double murder cold case spend well over a decade cycling through contacts with law enforcement, outreach systems, nonprofits, medical systems, shelters, and behavioral health environments in a small town without the larger system ever connecting the dots?

Today’s Tidbit: Randall in Chimacum Tomorrow

Congresswoman Emily Randall — the elected official now helping advance the Jamestown S’Klallam Land Transfer Act through Congress — is coming to the Olympic Peninsula for a public town hall Thursday night in Chimacum. Campaign finance records show Randall previously received a $2,000 contribution from Jamestown Corporation CEO Ron Allen and another $3,500 contribution from the Jamestown Tribe.

Now, she is helping lead legislation that would permanently transfer federally protected wildlife refuge land into tribal ownership.

In a recent message to supporters, Randall wrote:

“I can’t wait to answer your questions about my work in Congress, and hear about what matters to you most.”

The town hall will be held tomorrow, Thursday, May 28 at 6:00 p.m. at Chimacum High School Auditorium, with doors opening at 5:30 p.m. For many residents concerned about the proposed refuge transfer, it may be one of the few opportunities to publicly ask direct questions about the future of public lands, public access, and political influence surrounding the proposal.

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A young mother stood before the Clallam County Commissioners earlier this month and spoke candidly about the fear of homelessness. She said rising housing costs and the removal of affordable housing options are pushing families to the brink. “This will only kill people,” she warned. Sitting in the room listening were Commissioner Mike French and OlyCAP Housing Director Viola Ware. French sits on OlyCAP’s Board of Directors. Weeks later, basic questions about a taxpayer-funded “safe parking” program tied to OlyCAP and a Sequim church still remain unanswered, even as public records show French seconded a motion approving additional funding connected to the program without recusing himself.

A young mother struggling to stay housed recently came before the Clallam County Commissioners and shared something many residents quietly fear every day: even working families are one lease renewal away from instability.

She explained she had finally found housing large enough for her and her children, but admitted she had no idea what would happen when the lease expired.

“When my six month lease is up, I don’t know what we are going to do,” she told commissioners.

She spoke about housing costs spiraling beyond reach for ordinary residents. Buying a home is unattainable. Rentals are scarce. Affordable housing options continue disappearing.

The public testimony was emotional, raw, and remarkably honest. What was equally remarkable was who was sitting in the room listening. Among those present was Viola Ware, chair of the County’s Homelessness Task Force and Housing Director for Olympic Community Action Programs — better known as OlyCAP.

Also sitting there nodding empathetically was Clallam County Commissioner Mike French.

French is not simply a county liaison to OlyCAP. IRS filings from 2024 list him as a member of OlyCAP’s Board of Directors.

OlyCAP is a nonprofit organization serving Clallam and Jefferson Counties. Founded in 1966 as a Community Action Agency, it administers a wide range of publicly funded programs, including housing assistance, homelessness prevention, food programs, energy assistance, Head Start, senior services, and case management programs. The organization relies heavily on federal, state, and local taxpayer funding while partnering closely with local governments.

Earlier in the meeting, the commissioners issued a proclamation celebrating OlyCAP’s 60th anniversary. Viola Ware was there to accept it.

Yet after the young mother finished describing her fears about homelessness, neither the commissioners nor OlyCAP representatives publicly directed her toward assistance programs or followed up with her concerns during the meeting. Instead, it was a member of the public sitting in the audience who informed her that OlyCAP may have services available.

It was a missed opportunity for both Commissioner French and OlyCAP.

“The Safe Parking Program Is Not an OlyCAP Program”

During public comment, Viola Ware attempted to clarify what she described as misconceptions surrounding the Safe Parking Program operating through Trinity United Methodist Church in Sequim.

“The safe parking program is not an OlyCAP program,” Ware explained.

According to Ware, the program is managed by Trinity United Methodist Church, while OlyCAP partners with the church by providing staffing and support services.

Ware explained that OlyCAP provides approximately one hour of staffing support in the evening, one hour in the morning, and maintains one staff member on-call overnight should emergencies arise. OlyCAP also provides supportive services to participants.

“But we do it for free,” Ware said about the supportive services.

However, public records obtained by a CC Watchdog subscriber paint a more complicated picture.

County contract documents show that Clallam County approved up to $118,780 in taxpayer funding for the Safe Parking Program through Trinity United Methodist Church.

The agreement specifically states that Trinity United Methodist Church’s Safe Parking Program operates “in partnership with Olympic Community Action Programs.” The contract outlines funding for staffing, benefits, phones, on-call coverage, security, operations, maintenance, and direct services.

The scope of work explicitly identifies OlyCAP staffing positions tied to the program, including:

• Safe Parking Manager

• Evening Coordinators

• Morning Coordinators

• On-call phone support

The records also include OlyCAP payroll records, time sheets, invoices, and reimbursement documents tied to Safe Parking staffing.

The Safe Parking Program appears less focused on permanently moving people out of homelessness and more focused on managing homelessness indefinitely by giving participants a place to sleep in their vehicles.

The invoices and supporting records obtained by one Watchdogger show substantial spending tied to staffing, coordination, on-call coverage, and administrative support related to OlyCAP.

The program increasingly resembles a publicly funded homelessness management and employment infrastructure rather than a measurable pathway out of homelessness.

Taxpayers still do not know how many participants have successfully transitioned into permanent housing, how long individuals typically remain in the program, or what objective outcomes justify the continued expense. At the end of the day, the public is still looking at more than $118,000 tied to just three parking spaces — a figure that is difficult to defend, especially in the absence of clear performance metrics.

Two Weeks of Questions — Still No Answers

Today marks two weeks since CC Watchdog began asking questions about the Safe Parking Program and the public funding surrounding it.

Other residents have been seeking answers for months.

Among the unanswered questions:

• How exactly is the $118,780 being spent?

• How many individuals have utilized the program?

• How many participants are currently enrolled?

Questions directed to Trinity United Methodist Church were answered with an invitation to attend the upcoming Homelessness Task Force meeting rather than with direct responses.

The response stated:

“To learn more, you’re invited to attend the Homeless Task Force meeting June 2.”

The Homelessness Task Force meeting is scheduled for Tuesday, June 2, at 2:30 p.m. in the commissioners’ board room. Remote and in-person attendance are allowed.

The Ethics Questions

The larger issue now extends beyond the Safe Parking Program itself.

It involves transparency and ethics regarding elected officials voting on funding for organizations on whose boards they serve.

The Municipal Research and Services Center (MRSC), which provides legal and governance guidance to Washington municipalities, addresses these issues under Chapter 42.23 RCW, dealing with conflicts of interest.

MRSC guidance states that local elected officials generally may not have a “beneficial interest” in contracts made under their supervision. Even when an official’s involvement qualifies as a “remote interest,” MRSC guidance states the official should disclose the interest publicly and abstain from voting.

MRSC further emphasizes avoiding not only actual conflicts of interest, but even the appearance of impropriety or special privilege.

Importantly, Washington law distinguishes between:

• serving on a nonprofit board without compensation, and

• receiving direct financial benefit.

Simply serving on an NGO board is not automatically illegal.

However, MRSC guidance specifically notes:

“A municipal officer may not vote in the authorization, approval, or ratification of a contract in which he or she is beneficially interested…”

MRSC further recommends that officials with remote interests should avoid even appearing to participate in the governing body’s action on the contract.

The issue surfaced in a complaint involving Jefferson County Commissioner Greg Brotherton and OlyCAP funding. That complaint cited RCW 42.23.040 and argued that even where a “remote interest” exception exists for unpaid nonprofit board service, the official’s vote should not count toward approval and the official should refrain from influencing the decision.

The complaint quoted MRSC guidance stating:

“It is accordingly recommended that the officer with a remote interest should not participate, or even appear to participate, in any manner in the governing body’s action on the contract.”

The December 16th Vote

That brings attention back to Clallam County.

Minutes from the December 16 meeting show commissioners approved an agreement providing additional funding connected to Trinity United Methodist Church’s Safe Parking Program.

The minutes reflect in county shorthand:

• Commissioner Randy Johnson made the motion,

• Commissioner Mike French seconded it,

• and the motion carried.

The agreement added supplemental funding tied to the Safe Parking Program, which operates in partnership with OlyCAP.

No recusal by Commissioner French appears in the meeting action summary. That does not automatically mean any law was violated.

But it does raise legitimate public questions:

• Did Commissioner French disclose his OlyCAP board position before the vote?

• Were disclosures entered into the official minutes?

• Did county legal counsel review the arrangement?

• Does seconding a motion involving funding tied to an organization on whose board he serves conflict with MRSC’s own recommendations?

• If not, where exactly is the ethical boundary?

Those answers should not require public records requests and weeks of follow-up to obtain.

Because when taxpayer dollars move from county government into NGOs tied directly to elected officials, transparency is not optional.

Oversight Is Not a Ceremonial Role

Taxpayers have reason to ask hard questions about oversight. Commissioner French also serves on the William Shore Memorial Pool Board, where, under his watch, the Washington State Auditor found roughly $67,000 in questionable spending and serious failures in financial oversight involving the former executive director.

Public board service is not supposed to be ceremonial or résumé-building. When elected officials sit on boards overseeing taxpayer dollars, the public expects active stewardship, accountability, and transparency. Routing controversial public programs through NGOs while basic financial and performance questions remain unanswered only deepens public distrust.

Commissioner Mike French now finds himself at the center of two growing public trust questions at the same time: one involving controversial homelessness spending through an NGO on whose board he serves, and another involving a public pool board that state auditors found lacked even basic financial controls. At some point, taxpayers are justified in asking whether these boards are being governed — or merely attended.

Today’s Tidbit: Helping or Enabling?

A recent letter to the editor in the Peninsula Daily News struck a nerve with many local residents frustrated by the growing normalization of homelessness in Port Angeles. Writer Jeffrey Schreck argued that when he briefly experienced homelessness years ago, discomfort and instability motivated him to quickly return to work. Today, he says, the growing network of free meals, public services, hygiene programs, warm spaces, and harm reduction resources may unintentionally reduce that urgency. Whether residents agree or disagree, the letter reflects a growing public debate over whether Clallam County’s expanding homelessness infrastructure is truly helping people recover — or simply making long-term street living more sustainable.

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For one afternoon earlier this month, Veterans Memorial Park in Port Angeles was clean, peaceful, and worthy of the sacrifices it was built to honor during the Clallam County Sheriff’s Office annual Law Enforcement Memorial Ceremony. But within days, the park returned to open drug use, camping, and disorder. This Memorial Day, many are asking whether we truly honor veterans if the memorials built for them are no longer safe or welcoming to the public.

Earlier this month, the Clallam County Sheriff’s Office hosted its annual Law Enforcement Memorial BBQ and ceremony honoring officers who died in the line of duty and those who continue serving the community every day. Following the barbecue on the courthouse grounds, attendees gathered at Veterans Bell just north of the courthouse for a solemn and deeply moving ceremony.

There were speeches, an invocation, the national anthem, and a flag line provided by the American Legion Riders. For those who attended, it was a powerful reminder of sacrifice, service, and civic duty.

And the park looked beautiful.

The Veteran’s Bell itself — a replica of the Liberty Bell — stood over spotless grounds, clean walkways, manicured landscaping, a clear reflecting pool, and memorial plaques that visitors could actually approach and read.

Veterans Memorial Park, located north of the Clallam County courthouse on Lincoln Street in Port Angeles, was renamed in 1986 to honor Americans who served in every branch of the military and in every conflict since the Civil War. It was built as a permanent public tribute to those who sacrificed for the country and the freedoms Americans enjoy today.

But according to local resident Mitch Zenobi, the park's condition the day before the ceremony looked very different.

Zenobi recorded video around Veteran’s Bell showing loitering, camping, open drug use, and pipes being passed around near the memorial grounds. The park’s temporary transformation was achieved only through an intensive, coordinated cleanup effort involving the Port Angeles Police Department ahead of the ceremony.

Within days, Zenobi returned and again documented individuals camping, sleeping, publicly urinating, and smoking drugs off foil around the memorial.

That contrast is difficult for many residents to ignore this Memorial Day.

Perhaps the best way to honor veterans and public servants is not simply with an annual proclamation, ceremonial bell ringing, or speeches once a year. Perhaps the greater act of respect is maintaining the memorials built in their honor as safe, welcoming, dignified public spaces every day of the year.

Right now, it is impossible to comfortably approach Veterans Bell and quietly read the plaques honoring service members without encountering behavior that makes the space feel neglected, unsafe, or hostile to families and visitors.

That is not honoring veterans.

It dishonors the men and women who served. It dishonors the citizens and veterans who fought to establish and maintain the memorial. And it dishonors the community the space was built for.

Mike French has argued that the public itself must help reclaim public spaces while he’s supporting a new criminal justice sales tax proposal. Meanwhile, the County’s Health Officer Allison Berry has publicly suggested that photographs online can be manipulated and has accused CC Watchdog of “stoking anger,” while framing criticism of current policies as hostility toward poor people or indifference toward people suffering from addiction and disease.

But many residents insist that is not what they are asking for at all.

They are asking for measurable outcomes. They are asking for accountability. They are asking whether current policies are actually helping people escape addiction instead of simply managing visible decline. They are asking for public spaces that families, veterans, seniors, and children can safely use again. They are asking why compassion for struggling individuals increasingly appears to come at the expense of the broader public’s ability to safely enjoy the very parks, memorials, and civic spaces their tax dollars built and maintain.

Memorial Day is ultimately about sacrifice. It is about remembering those who gave something of themselves for the benefit of others — sometimes everything.

And perhaps this year, as ceremonies conclude and the flags are folded away, the community should ask itself a difficult but necessary question:

If we cannot preserve dignity, cleanliness, safety, and public access at the very memorials dedicated to those who served this country, what exactly are we honoring?

Today’s Tidbit: Memorial Day, Citizenship, and the Responsibility to Vote

A recent letter to the editor in the Peninsula Daily News carried a message that feels especially relevant this Memorial Day weekend. Port Angeles resident Kim Butler argued that many of the problems frustrating residents today did not appear overnight. They grew slowly while people became distracted, disengaged, and increasingly absent from the voting process.

“Residents got busy with life and stopped voting,” Butler wrote. “The political elite is counting on apathetic no-shows on voting day.”

Memorial Day is ultimately about sacrifice, but it is also about citizenship. The men and women honored this weekend did not serve simply so Americans could enjoy freedom passively. Self-government only works when citizens remain engaged, informed, and willing to participate.

Voting may seem small compared to military service, but both are rooted in the same idea: responsibility to community and country.

Many Americans died defending the right to representative government. Choosing not to participate in it at all may be one of the quietest ways a society begins surrendering it.

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The conversation dives far beyond politics. Zenobi recounts a chilling early morning encounter at a Port Angeles fuel station where he believes he was moments away from being attacked by multiple individuals armed with clubs, a machete, and what appeared to be a makeshift spear.

What follows is a raw and deeply personal discussion about crime, addiction, public safety, government response, forestry protests, and the frustration many residents quietly express behind closed doors. Zenobi explains why he finally decided to stop staying silent.

The interview also explores the growing divide between elected officials, law enforcement, and ordinary residents who feel the realities they experience every day no longer match the messaging coming from government agencies. Zenobi speaks candidly about what he sees driving through Port Angeles before dawn, why he believes local policies are normalizing dangerous behavior, and why he finally decided to become outspoken.

Whether listeners agree with him or not, this episode offers an unfiltered look into the mindset of a growing segment of Clallam County residents who feel unheard, frustrated, and increasingly vocal about the direction of their communities.

Mitch Zenobi on Facebook

Mitch Zenobi on Instagram

Listen to the full episode and decide for yourself why the “angry logger” has become one of the loudest grassroots voices in local politics.

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Editor’s Note: CC Watchdog editor Jeff Tozzer also serves as campaign manager for Jake Seegers during his run for Clallam County Commissioner, District 3. Learn more at www.JakeSeegers.com.

At Tuesday’s Board of Health meeting, Clallam County Health Officer Dr. Allison Berry sharply criticized opponents of harm reduction, suggested fear about public safety is being amplified for political purposes, and made the explosive statement that she hopes critics are not implying that drug users “deserve to get AIDS and die.” Meanwhile, residents continue asking for measurable outcomes after years of needle distribution, safer-use supply programs, and growing public concern over encampments, addiction, and public safety.

“There are a couple different funky bugs that are in the news,” Health Officer Allison Berry said Tuesday during the monthly Board of Health meeting.

“Two different funky bugs,” Berry explained before discussing Hantavirus related to the cruise ship outbreak. She said the risk in Clallam County is “incredibly low,” but acknowledged that the public is no longer reassured by communications from the CDC using the term “low,” because it was also used in 2020 to describe COVID.

“I think it’s worth acknowledging the loss of trust that came from them saying that, and saying that longer than they should have,” Berry said.

But she acknowledged that “low” is accurate in this case. Berry said she has treated patients for Hantavirus through her part-time work for the Jamestown Corporation at the Healing Clinic and the Family Health facility.

The second concern discussed was Ebola, which Berry said, “we don’t think that’s going to come here, but it’s worth being aware of.” She explained that the outbreak in Sub-Saharan Africa has been worsened by “massive cuts to USAID,” which allowed it to spread farther before being diagnosed.

Harm Reduction Without Metrics

Clallam County Health and Human Services still is not publicly providing meaningful outcome data regarding how many people are entering treatment, leaving homelessness, achieving sobriety, or successfully transitioning out of addiction and instability.

Instead, the county highlighted success stories and “participant encounters.” One slide showed:

• 668 participant encounters in April

• 21 reported overdose reversals

• 61 participants connected with partner services

Dr. Berry explained that the department may explore telehealth access for Suboxone prescriptions through the Harm Reduction Health Center.

Commissioner Randy Johnson noted that earlier public comment included criticism from residents upset about the program and asking where the data is.

“When we talk about specifics of our program, it would be nice to be able to track our specific program,” Johnson said.

That raises an obvious question many residents have been asking for years: How many decades into embracing harm reduction are we, and we are just now discussing establishing meaningful metrics?

How many tens of thousands of meth pipes, crack pipe cleaning kits, boofing kits, foil kits, and needles has the county dispersed while only just now discussing how to measure success?

Commissioner Mark Ozias said one of the most common public concerns involves the distribution of safer-use supplies and the perception that the county is encouraging drug use.

“My understanding of that strategy is that that’s a communicable disease prevention strategy,” Ozias said.

Berry explained that distributing safer-use supplies like pipes and boofing kits is intended to move people away from syringes because syringes carry a higher risk of spreading disease.

Berry explained that sharing pipes can spread disease too, so that’s why it’s important to distribute more pipes. “Because what’s better than clean needles, is no needles,” she said, adding that “we are seeing people in our community quit using needles.”

“I know the rhetoric we see online about it, that maybe we’re encouraging drug use, and the data is just very consistent that having access to these kind of supplies does not increase use of drugs. It does not teach people how to use drugs,” Berry said.

Then came the statement that is likely to become the most controversial moment of the meeting.

“I’ve heard a lot of this conversation about this idea that we need, like, more accountability for folks and — what’s the phrase? — compassion without accountability, and it’s strange that we’ve gotten wrapped into that in some way, because all that we do is help people not get AIDS and make them less likely to die.”

Berry then added:

“I hope that when people are asking for accountability, they’re not saying that people who use drugs deserve to get AIDS and die.”

That statement reframed criticism of county policy into something far darker.

Residents asking questions about public safety, discarded needles, public drug use, overdose rates, or whether distributing safer-use supplies is effective are now implicitly being associated with wanting drug users to “get AIDS and die.”

That is an extraordinary accusation from a public health officer.

Dream Playground Wasn’t “Misinformation”

Johnson again raised concerns about public unease surrounding harm reduction and public safety.

Berry responded:

“I don’t think that’s happening organically.”

She explained there is an active attempt to “build that narrative online” using misinformation and disinformation.

“If someone is trying to make you afraid, you have to wonder what they benefit from sowing that fear,” Berry said.

She claimed some individuals benefit politically by “sowing fear and distrust with our neighbors” and by creating the impression that there is “a public health catastrophe brewing.”

Berry referenced receiving an email from someone who said they would not take their child to Dream Playground anymore because they heard syringes were there.

“There are elements who want to build the idea that it’s so much worse than it is, because that serves them politically,” Berry said.

But residents may remember that fears about syringes in playgrounds are not hypothetical.

In 2018, a three-year-old child was accidentally poked by a discarded syringe at Dream Playground in Port Angeles. The Port Angeles Police Department later issued a public warning explaining that accidental needle sticks can expose victims to bloodborne pathogens and urged parents to conduct safety sweeps before allowing children to play.

That incident was not misinformation. It happened.

And for many parents, once a child is exposed to that kind of risk, the fear does not simply disappear because officials say conditions are being exaggerated.

“Manipulated Pictures” and the Fight Over Public Perception

Berry also said one of the biggest challenges facing public health officials is combating what she described as viral misinformation online.

“Folks can even manipulate pictures online,” Berry said. “We have folks that are going into places that they know are messy, going in ostensibly to clean it up, but then taking a whole lot of pictures and posting online as if it’s downtown Port Angeles, as if it’s the trails we all take our kids on.”

Berry said that portrayal “isn’t accurate” and called it “a disservice” to the community.

The comments appeared to be directed, at least in part, toward community volunteers who routinely document encampments, garbage, discarded paraphernalia, and environmental damage in and around Port Angeles. Among them are 4PA volunteers, county commissioner candidate Jake Seegers, and resident Stacey Richards, all of whom have entered camps, removed trash from creeks and greenbelts, and publicly documented what they encountered.

Those cleanup efforts have resulted in tons of garbage being removed from public spaces and waterways, including needles, propane bottles, shopping carts, human waste, foil kits, and other drug paraphernalia. Critics of the county’s harm reduction policies argue that at least some of those safer-use supplies originate from programs supported by local government and public health agencies.

Berry’s remarks immediately raised another question: Who exactly is she accusing of manipulating photographs?

Because many of the images being shared online are, in fact, taken in downtown Port Angeles, along public trails, beside salmon-bearing waterways, and in parks and greenbelts used by local families. The camps are real. The trash is real. The cleanup efforts are real.

“If I were a business owner, I would hate that people are making P.A. look like that online,” Berry said.

The people documenting the conditions are not the ones creating them. They are simply showing residents what already exists.

“Positive Public Use” As a Vaccine

Commissioner Mike French added that “Positive public use is kind of like its own vaccine against negative public use.” French argued that discouraging positive public activity can unintentionally create conditions where more negative activity takes hold.

To many residents, however, the exchange reinforced a growing frustration with county leadership. Officials appear more focused on criticizing the people documenting deteriorating conditions than addressing the conditions themselves.

That tension is why many residents believe photographs matter.

If officials insist the images are misleading or exaggerated, then readers can judge for themselves.

This is downtown Port Angeles.
These are the public trails.
These are the public spaces residents are talking about.

Fear and Financial Incentives

Berry repeatedly suggested that fear is being politically weaponized.

But that fear also played a central role during COVID-era public health policy.

This is the same Health Officer who supported restaurant shutdowns, vaccine passport requirements, and sweeping public restrictions during COVID, while also working for the Jamestown Family Health Clinic. At the same time, Jamestown-owned businesses operated under tribal sovereignty and were not subject to many of the same mandates and restrictions imposed on local non-tribal businesses throughout Clallam County.

Berry also works for the Jamestown Healing Clinic, a Medication-Assisted Treatment (MAT) provider.

As the county expands harm reduction services, overdose interventions, and telehealth Suboxone access, some residents are increasingly questioning whether there is an inherent conflict of interest when the county’s Health Officer also works for an addiction treatment provider that stands to financially benefit from ongoing addiction treatment and federal reimbursements.

Those concerns become even more politically sensitive given that the Jamestown Corporation was Commissioner Mark Ozias’ top campaign donor, and Ozias has consistently supported expanding harm reduction.

The question residents continue asking is simple:

If county policy funnels more individuals into MAT treatment pipelines, who financially benefits?

And why are questions about those financial incentives increasingly portrayed as hateful or dangerous?

“Folks Who Use Drugs… Are an Easy Group to Get Folks to Hate”

Berry argued that criticism of harm reduction often targets vulnerable populations.

“Folks who use drugs, folks who are homeless, are an easy group to get folks to hate,” Berry said Tuesday. “There is a strong push to blame that population for anything that’s going wrong right now, and that sells.”

Berry said broader economic policies involving housing and wages are driving homelessness.

“It’s harder to hate policy, it’s so much easier to hate that person that is right there, who is poor, and who looks it,” Berry said.

She also said she personally walks around Port Angeles and is not afraid.

“There are folks who want those challenges to feel worse because that serves them,” Berry said.

Berry insisted there is no evidence that the county’s harm reduction programs are causing drug use.

“Bring the evidence that somehow we have caused drug use,” she challenged.

Storytelling Over Statistics

Dr. Paul Cunningham, who oversees the Jamestown Healing Clinic and also serves on the Board of Health, suggested officials should highlight more stories from people helped by programs like the Jamestown Healing Clinic.

In other words, while data matters, storytelling may be more persuasive in shaping public opinion.

That comment may concern residents who believe public policy should be judged primarily through measurable outcomes, not emotional narratives.

Because the questions many residents are asking remain unanswered:

Are overdose deaths decreasing because of harm reduction?
Are neighborhoods safer?
Are public parks cleaner?
Are more people entering sobriety?
Are fewer children at risk of encountering discarded syringes?

Or are officials simply becoming better at defending the system already in place?

Today’s Tidbit: Follow the Money?

While county officials insist harm reduction is simply about compassion and public health, another question continues surfacing in the community: how much money is tied to the rapidly expanding addiction, behavioral health, and treatment industry?

A recent job posting tied to Jamestown Corporation operations advertises a salary of $300,000 to $400,000 for a Psychiatric Medical Director as the Tribe moves toward opening its new psychiatric facility in Sequim.

The posting repeatedly emphasizes Tribal integration and Native preference considerations, including:

• “Partner with Tribal representatives to integrate Tribal culture and values into medical care, training, and policies.”

• “Demonstrate cultural humility and awareness when working with American Indian/Alaska Native patients and families.”

• “American Indian/Alaska Native preferences apply.”

That language has raised eyebrows among some residents because the public has repeatedly been told these behavioral health expansions and taxpayer-supported partnerships are intended to serve the broader community.

At the same time, Jamestown Healing Clinic — where Dr. Allison Berry works — continues expanding Medication-Assisted Treatment services while Clallam County expands harm reduction strategies designed to connect more individuals into long-term treatment systems heavily funded through federal and state reimbursements.

Residents are now asking how much taxpayer money is flowing into the addiction-treatment system, who ultimately benefits financially, and whether the public is helping fund institutions that may prioritize Tribal systems and hiring preferences over the broader community they were told these facilities would serve.

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Anti-Jake Seegers activism is escalating beyond policy disagreements and campaign signs. After stickers labeling Seegers a “carpetbagger” and “out of town real estate investor” appeared at the end of his family’s private driveway — where his children discovered them during a bike ride — questions are now being raised about how far local political hostility is willing to go, and whether some activists are more interested in intimidation than honest debate.

Stickers calling county commissioner candidate Jake Seegers a “carpetbagger” and “out of town real estate investor” continue appearing, and not just in downtown Port Angeles.

Most recently, the stickers showed up roughly seven miles away from the downtown core — at the entrance to the Seegers family driveway itself.

The stickers were discovered by three children riding their bicycles to pick up the family’s mail. The children were Jake’s. The stickers had been placed on signs and posts at the entrance to the shared driveway used by several neighboring families.

The message was unmistakable.

This was no longer simply, “We disagree with Jake Seegers politically.”
The message had evolved into something much more personal:

“We know where you live.”

Jake’s middle child summed up the moment in a way only a child can:

“That’s scary… they know where we live.”

That sentence says more about the current state of local politics than perhaps anything else could.

A Campaign That Has Intensified

With just over five months remaining in the race, Seegers’ campaign has clearly entered a new phase.

Jake continues to spend long days meeting with residents, listening to concerns, touring local industries, conducting podcast interviews, writing articles for CC Watchdog, and engaging directly with community members. Jake is putting in 60-hour workweeks while balancing life as a husband, father, volunteer, and friend.

But now that the race has narrowed into a two-person contest, another shift has become apparent.

The attacks have become less about policy and increasingly about the man himself.

Rather than debating county spending, homelessness, public safety, roads, taxes, or economic development, much of the rhetoric online has turned toward labeling, personal associations, and attempts to portray Seegers as politically radioactive.

Reddit, Rumors, and Anonymous Politics

A lengthy Reddit discussion about Jake Seegers recently gained traction online after one user reposted what they described as “research” into Seegers’ background, finances, family foundation connections, business relationships, and property ownership.

The original post raised questions about transparency, campaign disclosures, out-of-state family associations, grants tied to the Seegers Foundation, Seegers’ involvement with local organizations, and whether certain property ownership interests should have been disclosed in connection with advocacy surrounding Olympic Hot Springs Road.

Some commenters described the research as “great work” and argued that Seegers was not being fully transparent. Others used the thread to speculate about broader political motives, national conservative ties, religion, Project 2025, and alleged “MAGA” associations. One commenter referred to Seegers as a “carpetbagger,” while others mocked his background, family wealth, and even his children.

The thread also highlighted something increasingly common in modern politics: anonymous online activism replacing direct public conversation.

Reddit allows users to operate under anonymous screen names, and discussions can quickly escalate in tone and speculation. In this case, accusations, assumptions, and political labeling rapidly overtook any substantive discussion about county government itself.

What makes the situation notable, however, is that Seegers did not avoid the thread.

Using his own account, Seegers directly responded publicly:

“Thank you for originally raising these legitimate concerns.”

He then expanded an open invitation to anyone involved in the discussion to join him for a recorded podcast interview where they could ask any questions they wanted, on the record, in long-form format, with the entire community able to hear both the questions and the answers in full context.

He wrote:

“Transparency is critical, and this is a way to provide it for everyone interested.”

So far, despite the accusations and speculation, no one has accepted the offer.

“FTG”

One particularly telling comment circulating online suggested creating signs that say “FTG” with arrows pointing toward Seegers at public events.

For those unfamiliar with the slang, “FTG” is shorthand for the French phrase Ferme ta gueule, which roughly translates to “shut up” or more bluntly, “shut the f*** up.”

That is the level local political discourse is descending toward.

Not debate.
Not discussion.
Not competing visions for county government.

Just hostility.

From Protest to Intimidation?

There is an important distinction between criticizing a candidate’s policies and attempting to intimidate a candidate personally.

People absolutely have the right to oppose Jake Seegers politically. They have the right to question his ideas, challenge his proposals, disagree with his priorities, and support another candidate.

That is democracy.

But when activists begin placing targeted political messaging at the end of a candidate’s private driveway where his children will encounter it, reasonable people begin asking where the line is.

Especially when online discussions openly discuss following him to events, surrounding him with signs, and confronting him with nationally divisive ideological litmus tests that have little to do with county government.

A Different Response

Ironically, just last week, another incident tested the campaign.

A person was caught on camera removing and destroying one of Jake’s signs. It did not take long for members of the community to identify the individual involved through social media.

The individual later contacted Jake directly and apologized.

Rather than escalating the situation, Jake agreed to meet with the man personally to discuss his concerns and ideas about county government.

Law enforcement contacted Seegers and asked whether he wished to pursue charges related to the sign destruction. He declined.

According to Seegers:

“I asked the Sheriff’s Department not to pursue an investigation or press charges. This person appears to have made a poor decision out of frustration and then personally reached out to apologize. That humility is admirable.

Additionally, it did not seem like a good use of our limited and already strained law enforcement resources.

I look forward to a future conversation with this individual and believe that, like most community members, we can find common ground on local issues.”

That response reflects exactly who Jake Seegers is: approachable, willing to listen, calm under pressure, and genuinely interested in hearing from people even when they disagree with him.

People may disagree with his policies or question his solutions. That is fair game in politics.

But targeting a candidate’s family and sending the message that political opponents are comfortable showing up at the end of his driveway is something entirely different.

And many in the community are beginning to notice the difference.

Today’s Tidbit: A Historic Shift

Yesterday, for the first time in more than a decade, the Clallam County Commissioners approved a formal response letter to the Bureau of Indian Affairs regarding a proposed transfer of land into federal tribal trust status.

That did not happen by accident.

It happened because members of the public pushed for it relentlessly for more than two years, refusing to let the issue disappear quietly into bureaucracy and backroom silence. Citizens attended meetings, submitted comments, wrote emails, researched federal processes, and repeatedly asked why Clallam County was not formally responding to trust land applications that directly impact taxation, zoning, land use, and local governance.

This is genuinely historic.

And whether people agree with every word of the letter or not, County Administrator Todd Mielke deserves substantial credit for helping move the county toward finally engaging the issue formally and professionally.

The letter itself is surprisingly direct.

It outlines concerns about the cumulative loss of taxable land in Clallam County, noting that roughly 70 percent of the county is already publicly owned and exempt from property taxes when federal, state, local, and tribal lands are combined. The county warns that continued transfers into trust status shift increasing tax burdens onto remaining private property owners while reducing the land base that funds schools, fire districts, hospitals, libraries, roads, and local government services.

The response also raises concerns about inconsistent zoning oversight once land enters trust status, particularly when parcels are not adjacent to existing reservation lands. The county notes that trust lands are no longer subject to many local land use regulations, potentially creating situations where neighboring properties operate under entirely different rules.

Most notably, the county formally requested that the BIA encourage tribes to enter into agreements similar to the “payment in lieu of taxes” arrangement associated with the Quileute Tribe, recognizing the growing strain placed on local taxpayers and taxing districts.

For years, many residents were told these conversations either could not happen, should not happen, or were inappropriate to discuss publicly.

Now, they are happening in official county correspondence.

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Bia Letter Jamestown Added 5 18 26 Item 1h

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A debate over tourism promotion funding exposed a growing frustration in Clallam County: local hotels and vacation rentals are required to collect lodging taxes that fund tourism campaigns, while one of the region’s largest hospitality empires benefits from those campaigns without paying into the system.

What Is LTAC?

Tourism promotion in Clallam County is funded largely through the Lodging Tax Advisory Committee, commonly known as LTAC. The program collects lodging taxes from hotels, motels, vacation rentals, and Airbnbs, then redistributes those dollars to festivals, events, marketing campaigns, and organizations designed to attract visitors to the Olympic Peninsula.

The theory is simple: bring in tourists, fill hotel rooms, boost shopping and restaurant traffic, and strengthen the local economy.

At the April 9 LTAC meeting, Commissioner Randy Johnson and committee members reviewed funding applications for 2026 tourism promotion efforts. Several organizations requested support.

Joyce Daze sought $5,000 to market its annual festival and draw out-of-town visitors. The Port Angeles Waterfront District requested $50,000 for tourism promotion efforts aimed at increasing regional visitation. The Sequim City Band also requested $5,000 to help host the Association of Concert Bands Regional Connections Event scheduled for July 24–25, 2026.

The event is expected to bring approximately 350 musicians and attendees from neighboring counties and other states for concerts, clinics, workshops, and performances hosted at the James Center for Performing Arts in Sequim. Organizers estimate roughly 100 hotel rooms will be rented during the conference.

On the surface, it sounds like exactly the type of economic activity LTAC was designed to encourage.

Until you look at where much of the event activity and lodging will occur.

Who Benefits From the Tourism Push?

A significant portion of the conference is expected to take place at the Jamestown Corporation-owned 7 Cedars Hotel and Resort in Blyn, with RV attendees expected to stay at the tribe’s Salish Trails RV Park.

Organizers also noted arrangements with Olympic View Inn in Sequim, but the Jamestown Corporation properties are positioned to receive substantial benefit from the tourism campaign funded through county lodging taxes.

And that immediately raised a familiar question.

Commissioner Randy Johnson was the first to openly acknowledge the issue during the LTAC discussion.

“The one item… that this also highlights is the issue of a tribal hotel that doesn’t contribute to lodging tax,” Johnson said during the meeting. He added, “This gives me a reason to send another letter to the tribe.”

Johnson was referring to the August 2025 letter sent by the Clallam County Board of Commissioners to the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe requesting a conversation about the tribe contributing property and lodging taxes.

That letter has since become a politically sensitive subject.

The “Fair Share” Debate

At a recent commissioner forum, a resident asked whether the commissioners planned to follow up on the request for the Jamestown Corporation to pay what the commenter described as its “fair share” of property and lodging taxes.

Johnson acknowledged he had not sent a follow-up letter. Commissioner Mark Ozias, attending remotely and unable to respond before boarding a flight to Maui, reportedly told the commissioners that he may have contacted someone informally about the issue.

Commissioner Mike French then stepped in to defend the county’s relationship with the tribe, explaining that Clallam County’s “sovereign neighbors” operate on different “time scales,” which he described as “often uncomfortable for us, but it is just how their governments work.”

French also criticized the phrase “fair share,” calling it disrespectful to tribal sovereignty.

“They are a sovereign nation,” French said. “That is not how that relationship works.”

While French objected to the wording of a resident’s question as disrespectful, he has previously used nearly identical language himself in other contexts.

A Different Standard?

In 2020, French posted publicly about illegal marijuana grow operations and black-market activity. In that post, he wrote:

“The least concern of all is that taxes don’t get paid — it’s still an issue, people should pay their fair share…”

French’s earlier comments argued that tax avoidance harms communities and shifts burdens elsewhere. Why does that principle apply strongly to illegal cannabis operations but becomes inappropriate terminology when discussing tribal-owned hospitality businesses competing directly against tax-paying local hotels, inns, and vacation rentals?

The issue extends beyond philosophy.

Local lodging businesses throughout Clallam County are required to collect taxes that help fund tourism campaigns and marketing efforts. Those dollars are then used to attract visitors who may ultimately stay at tax-exempt tribal-owned lodging properties.

In effect, competitors are funding promotional campaigns that benefit businesses operating outside the same tax structure.

“Not My Job”

French later stated he would not personally pursue follow-up discussions because he is not the county liaison to the Jamestown Tribe.

That explanation frustrated some residents, particularly because all three commissioners signed the original August 2025 letter.

While commissioners campaign countywide and make decisions affecting taxpayers throughout Clallam County, responsibility suddenly narrows when politically sensitive issues involving tribal taxation arise.

Even more puzzling to some observers was the contradiction. If French believed it was inappropriate for him to follow up because he was not the liaison, why did he sign the original letter in the first place?

And if decisions made by the Jamestown Corporation impact the tax burden of residents throughout the county, every commissioner has an obligation to represent taxpayers on the issue — especially in a countywide elected office.

Ozias Suggests a Different Path

The conversation took another turn yesterday when Commissioner Ozias floated a different approach altogether.

Rather than focusing on lodging tax payments, Ozias suggested tribal governments could instead help meet tourism promotion goals through cultural participation — sharing tribal history, storytelling, educational events, and performances that would attract visitors to the region.

The concept resembled the type of cultural tourism often marketed in Hawaii — an idea Ozias appeared to bring back from the recent conference he attended in Maui.

Supporters may view the idea as collaborative and culturally enriching.

However, there is a different dynamic emerging: tribal enterprises remain exempt from lodging taxes while participating directly in tourism marketing efforts that could further increase business at tribal-owned hotels, RV parks, and vacation properties.

To opponents, it feels less like equal participation and more like a system where competitors pay into the tourism fund while exempt entities simultaneously benefit from both the marketing and the exemption itself.

First, the county loses the tax revenue, then tourism campaigns funded by competitors help drive business toward exempt properties, and finally the arrangement is celebrated as a partnership.

The Larger Question

For many residents and business owners, the core question remains unresolved:

Should businesses competing in the same tourism marketplace operate under fundamentally different financial obligations when public tourism dollars are involved?

Today’s Tidbit: PDN Returning to Balance?

Two excellent letters to the editor from the Peninsula Daily News last weekend.

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What began as a simple request for help in 2023 quietly evolved into a shower voucher pipeline tied to Clallam County’s Harm Reduction Health Center, all with little public awareness, no clear board approval, and almost no meaningful oversight. Now, instead of shutting the program down after public backlash, the Shore Pool board is expanding it, rebranding it, and pushing forward anyway.

A Shower Program Nobody Knew About

For nearly two years, the William Shore Memorial Pool District quietly operated a shower voucher program for homeless and unhoused individuals without a formal board-approved policy, without meaningful public awareness, and apparently without some board members even knowing it existed.

Now, after public outrage exposed the program, the response from the Shore Pool board has not been caution, accountability, or reassessment. Instead, it has been rebranding.

The “Shower Voucher Program” is now the far more polished-sounding “Community Hygiene Access Program.” Because apparently if you rename something, the controversy disappears with it.

The board unanimously voted to reinstate the program after briefly pausing it following community backlash. During the latest meeting, commissioners and staff discussed expanding the offerings beyond showers to include hygiene kits with soap, toothbrushes, toothpaste, and towels.

“Having changed the name to the Community Hygiene Access Program, it gives the impression we’re providing more than just a shower,” Director Ryan Amiot said during the May meeting, according to the Peninsula Daily News.

That part, at least, is honest.

Because the Shore Pool is no longer functioning simply as a public aquatic center. It is steadily morphing into another publicly funded social service arm in a city already saturated with them. And taxpayers are rightfully asking: When exactly did families vote for the local pool to become part of the county’s harm reduction infrastructure?

The Real Issue Isn’t Showers

The issue has never been whether struggling people deserve access to hygiene. The issue is where the vouchers are being distributed, who is receiving them, and why this program was embedded into a family-oriented aquatic facility without transparency or safeguards.

The vouchers are being distributed through Clallam County’s Harm Reduction Health Center — the same facility that distributes free drug paraphernalia and supplies to active addicts — as well as St. Vincent de Paul. Meanwhile, Port Angeles already has shelters and facilities specifically intended for serving unhoused populations, many of which already provide showers.

The Shore Pool is not a shelter. It is a family recreation facility where children swim, families change clothes, patrons store valuables, and people are often in vulnerable situations.

Yet the board’s repeated defense is that they are “unaware of incidents.” That is a remarkably low standard for public safety. So the plan is to wait until something happens?

How exactly do you “un-victimize” a child after the fact?

One of the more revealing moments during the public discussion came when board commissioner LaTrisha Suggs argued that while transients are using the facility, they could potentially encounter someone who offers them a job. That may sound compassionate on paper, but many residents are asking a more basic question first: Why are vulnerable families and children being placed into an unnecessary social experiment when alternative shower facilities already exist elsewhere?

The Board Doesn’t Even Know Where the Vouchers Are Going

Even more concerning, the board openly acknowledged they do not actually know where all the vouchers are ending up. Although officials insist only two organizations distribute them, public commenters stated vouchers are also showing up at the library and community feeding events. The board did not seem especially alarmed.

One section of the proposed policy states that “vouchers may not be sold, transferred, or reused.” That sounds reassuring until one asks the obvious follow-up question: How would they know?

There appears to be no meaningful tracking system, no identity verification, no accountability chain, and no enforcement mechanism. Just trust.

Commissioner Suggs also objected to language in the draft policy allowing the board to suspend or terminate the program based on “community impact” because she worried it could stigmatize the program or produce a “fear response.” But “community impact” is precisely what elected boards are supposed to consider, especially when taxpayers are raising concerns about safety, sanitation, operational priorities, and mission creep.

The comments from Commissioner Mike French were equally revealing.

“I want to highlight a couple of things in this because it’s important to me,” French said. “The program is intended to operate at little or no cost to the facility and during low-use times, so I’m against anything that makes the program more complicated or complex.”

In other words: keep it simple. Don’t burden it with too many rules.

French also supported allowing the executive director to approve participating organizations without requiring a formal board application process. So the public gets fewer safeguards, less oversight, and more administrative discretion.

What could possibly go wrong?

Mike French Says He Didn’t Know

Perhaps the most astonishing revelation of all is that Commissioner Mike French — who sits on the pool board and also serves as a Clallam County commissioner overseeing the county’s harm reduction programs — admitted he didn’t even know the voucher program existed until social media exposed it.

In an email, French wrote:

“I was made aware of the program because of information shared on social media; I was not aware of the program before the public was informed.”

The program had reportedly been operating for approximately 18 months.

A year and a half.

And a commissioner serving on both sides of the arrangement claims he knew nothing about it.

This is the same pool district scrutinized last year after the State Auditor uncovered fraud involving tens of thousands of taxpayer dollars. Oversight matters. Boards are not résumé builders for those who serve. Members are supposed to supervise public institutions, monitor programs, ask questions, establish safeguards, and protect taxpayer interests.

Instead, this program appears to have evolved through informal conversations between social service organizations and pool administrators with little visible board involvement.

How the Program Actually Started

The paper trail tells the story.

On October 24, 2023, First Step Family Support Center employee Riley Slonecker emailed then-director Denise Dawson asking whether the aquatic center offered shower vouchers for a client living without running water.

Dawson responded the same day, saying the idea had been discussed previously and suggesting a “pilot program” to see how it would work.

At the time, the discussion sounded limited and specific. Slonecker indicated they may have “a handful of clients” who could benefit from shower access.

By November 30, 2023, Dawson proposed creating “a shower voucher card (similar to a punch card)” for organizations to distribute to people needing showers.

Then management changed.

After Dawson left, current Executive Director Ryan Amiot revived the idea in April 2024, apologizing for it “getting lost in the shuffle between management changes” and promising to implement the vouchers.

On May 21, 2024, Amiot confirmed the vouchers had been finalized and were ready for pickup.

Then, in October 2025, Clallam County’s Harm Reduction Health Center formally requested vouchers for syringe service participants, writing that the population served was “primarily unhoused or unstably housed.” The county specifically requested vouchers to distribute during walk-in hours at the Harm Reduction Health Center.

So despite claims this program simply evolved organically to help people in need, the records show something much more structured: a coordinated expansion between the pool district, social service organizations, and eventually the county’s harm reduction apparatus.

So What Exactly Is the Board For?

That question becomes even more important after another records request response from Executive Director Ryan Amiot.

Amiot acknowledged he could not locate prior board approval for the program and instead cited the executive director’s job description as the apparent authority for creating it.

The job description does indeed state the executive director may “develop programs and improve operations.”

But if a single administrator can independently create public-facing programs involving safety, liability, partnerships with outside agencies, operational impacts, and taxpayer-funded resources without explicit board approval, then residents are left asking a fair question: What exactly is the board for?

Especially when commissioners later claim they had no idea the program even existed.

The same executive director job description also states that the director is supposed to “keep WSMPD Board fully informed of conditions and operations of the District” and work with the board in developing district policies.

If commissioners truly did not know this program existed for a year and a half, either the board was not being informed, or the board was not paying attention.

Neither explanation inspires confidence.

Mission Creep at the Community Pool

Meanwhile, the board continues discussing operational details like color-coded vouchers, reusable towels, hygiene kits, and expanded services. One commissioner worried discarded towels could become litter around town. Another concern raised during the meeting was whether towels used by voucher participants could pose health risks to other patrons. Amiot dismissed those concerns, explaining the towels would simply be washed and reused.

There are also new budget questions emerging. On page 8 of a recent Shore Aquatic Center document, “shower caddies” are listed as an expense totaling $228, along with another $724 for shower parts. Residents are now asking whether those purchases are tied to the expanding hygiene program.

And while the board insists the program operates at “little or no cost,” the reality is that every expansion creates additional operational responsibilities, staffing considerations, laundry demands, sanitation concerns, liability questions, and public safety considerations.

At some point, residents have to ask whether local government has entirely lost sight of mission boundaries.

The Shore Pool exists because taxpayers approved funding for a public aquatic and recreation facility. Not a satellite arm of the county’s harm reduction system. Not a hygiene distribution hub. Not a soft-entry social service center. And certainly not a place where families are expected to simply accept increased risk because officials insist there have not yet been enough problems to justify concern.

Because by the time there is a major incident, it will already be too late.

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Today’s Tidbit: The Boy in the Tent

One year ago, the story of the “boy in the tent” shocked Washington state — a child living in a fentanyl-filled tent along Aurora Avenue while systems looked the other way. Now, according to a follow-up report, his mother has reached five months of sobriety in a recovery-based shelter, and the boy just celebrated his 10th birthday.

One detail stands out: her recovery is reportedly coming through structure, treatment, sobriety, and accountability — not continued drug use under the banner of “harm reduction.” It is a reminder that true compassion means helping people escape addiction, not normalize living in it.

After a teenage driver nearly killed a pedestrian near the Tumwater encampment, County Commissioner candidate Jake Seegers confronts the hard questions local leaders have avoided for years: How did Port Angeles allow dangerous encampments, rampant drug activity, and environmental destruction to flourish beside public roadways and salmon streams — and who will finally stop it? This in-depth article connects the crash, the policies, the funding system, and the leadership failures that critics say turned compassion into chaos.

A Close Call

May 5th was a typical Tuesday for the 4PA Clean-Up Crew. 4PA is a Port Angeles-based nonprofit focused on trash cleanup efforts and high-barrier transitional shelter services for people experiencing homelessness. We were preparing for our second cleanup site of the day along Tumwater Creek.

Founder Joe DeScala had already positioned the truck and dump trailer along the shoulder of the Tumwater Truck Route. I waited for a break in traffic so I could cross from where I had parked on the opposite side of the road, but cars continued streaming through the curves in both directions at a steady, fast pace. Passenger vehicles, log trucks, and dump trucks rumbled past just feet away as I hoped drivers were paying attention to their surroundings.

It is a dangerous location for 4PA employees and volunteers, but it’s the only way to remove the trash that piles up along the creek below.

And the trash never stops. Constant accumulation is a result of illegal camping that violates ordinances the City of Port Angeles fails to consistently enforce.

Illegal creekside encampments have exploded in recent years. Along with them have come thousands of pounds of human and solid waste: discarded clothing, blankets, tents, food containers, stolen shopping carts, and piles of drug-use supplies — many still unopened — from nearby harm-reduction distribution programs.

In a February interview with Radio Pacific Inc., Joe DeScala described the scale of the problem:

“In one waterway alone [Tumwater Creek], we average about 1,500 pounds of garbage removed every single week — 1,920 pounds today, actually. If we stop tomorrow, that accumulation would continue at the same rate. I’ve got the numbers to show it, and these would be directly in sensitive watersheds.”

That pace would total nearly 80,000 pounds of trash annually from Tumwater Creek alone.

On May 5^th, hours after 4PA finished cleaning, a different kind of tragedy struck.

One Instant. Two Lives Changed.

At 9:46 PM on May 5^th, two lives would be changed forever.

A 16-year-old female driver was heading northbound on Tumwater Truck Route, approaching the 8^th Street bridge.

Beneath the 8th Street Bridge, a pedestrian crossing over Tumwater Creek serves as a common access point to and from the encampments lining the creek corridor.

It leads to a clearing in the dense brush, opening onto a frequently occupied parcel of county-owned property.

This corridor is often active with Tumwater residents walking along the shoulders of the truck route in both directions, day and night.

That evening, it was already dark. There are no street lights illuminating the nearby entrance to Tumwater’s unsanctioned encampment. As the young driver rounded the bend near the bridge at approximately 40 MPH, she struck a pedestrian walking along the shoulder.

The vehicle's damage reflected the severity of the collision.

The pedestrian, identified as Brian Clewall, sustained injuries to his head, leg, and arm.

Photos from the scene showed his belongings scattered across the roadway beside a significant pool of blood.

A local resident of the Tumwater Encampment described the injuries as “major” and indicated they were nearly fatal.

According to the collision report:

“Unit 1 was traveling northbound on the S Tumwater Truck Route. Unit 1 did not see the pedestrian walking alongside the shoulder and struck him. She pulled over and called 911. I arrived on scene, and the pedestrian had major injuries to his foot and arm. The pedestrian was transported to the hospital.”

These five sentences describe a tragedy that should have never happened.

The Expansion of Harm

County leadership and the Port Angeles City Council have long embraced the distribution of drug-use supplies under the banner of “harm reduction.”

Meanwhile, the City has often refused to enforce ­illegal camping ordinances on public land in the name of compassion. But what officials describe as compassion has increasingly become a well-documented environmental and public health­­ catastrophe.

The human toll resembles cruelty far more than compassion: individuals trapped in addiction living among mounting refuse while fighting off rats and raccoons burrowing into tents.

Abundant services and access to drug-use supplies have created the Tumwater ecosystem of homeless camping and substance abuse.

• Free food is abundant (see list here)

• Showers are available at multiple locations, including taxpayer-funded locker rooms at Shore Aquatic Center.

• The Answer For Youth (TAFY) provides free tents, camping gear, and propane tank refills to all ages.

• Free healthcare services are readily available.

• Drug-use supplies are widely distributed.

• Drugs are openly bought and sold in known locations throughout the city.

• Clallam Transit conveniently connects these services at no cost to riders.

• Trespass ordinances on public land, such as those at the Tumwater Encampment, often go unenforced.

Public safety has been compromised by attracting and encouraging illegal activity as health officials hand out the supplies and instructions on how to get high, leaving their patients to creatively fund their addiction.

Under RCW 69.50.412 and RCW 69.50.4121, possession and distribution of drug paraphernalia are illegal.

In 2023, Washington added explicit exemptions for public-health-oriented harm reduction distribution.

In other words, it is a misdemeanor for ordinary citizens to possess or distribute drug paraphernalia, yet government-protected healthcare workers are exempt when distributing those same supplies in ways that facilitate illegal drug use in our community. Once those supplies are handed off to individuals intending to abuse drugs, criminal activity has been enabled, condoned, encouraged, and facilitated under the banner of public health.

These policy decisions have made Clallam County the destination of least resistance for homelessness and substance abuse, and have welcomed illegal communities like the Tumwater Encampment, where drug use is commonplace.

Listed among Mr. Clewall’s personal possessions was 17.2 grams of methamphetamine – a quantity unlikely to represent personal-use alone.

Tumwater is not officially sanctioned as a drug camp, but through persistent non-enforcement and active enabling, it increasingly functions as one.

This failed leadership nearly cost another life — this time not from overdose, but from the dangerous conditions created by allowing illegal encampments and drug use to thrive beside dangerous roadways.

Local Housing Last

Housing First — the belief that homelessness is solved by providing permanent housing without requiring sobriety, employment, or participation in treatment — has guided Clallam County policy since the county’s original 10 Year Plan to End Homelessness in 2005.

Yet homelessness continues to grow.

Part of the problem may be tied to how the system is funded. The federal HUD Continuum of Care grant awards consider “demonstrated local need.” Point-in-Time homeless counts, along with lengthy housing waitlists, are often used to justify additional or continued funding and resources.

In 2024, 2,408 households were on the waitlist for local permanent supportive housing.

By 2025 – only twelve months later - the waitlist had nearly doubled.

Meanwhile, Clallam County’s Point-in-Time Count (shown earlier) identified 310 homeless individuals, including 176 unsheltered — a meager 7.6% increase over the same period.

How did the housing waitlist increase by 86% in a single year while the Point-in-Time count of homeless individuals rose by only 7.6%? More importantly, why is the housing waitlist nearly fifteen times larger than the homeless population counted in 2025?

The disconnect is difficult to ignore. Thousands of individuals appear to be competing for local housing resources despite not being physically present and unsheltered in Clallam County.

In an economically depressed county with scarce resources and a strained tax base, local housing resources should prioritize local needs.

The Tumwater Fix

Working together, Clallam County and its municipalities, the Port of Port Angeles, the Clallam County Board of Health, the Sheriff’s Department, local police, fire, and EMS agencies, and social service nonprofits have an opportunity to reverse the decline in public safety and public health, protect environmentally sensitive areas and business districts, and restore public spaces to the communities they were meant to serve. Cities such as Spokane, Dallas, and San Diego have successfully implemented approaches.

Here’s how elements of those strategies could be applied in Clallam County:

1. Prioritize local housing resources for individuals currently residing in Clallam County. This may require wiping the housing waiting list clean and rebuilding it with individuals who are physically present and unsheltered in Clallam County.

2. Strengthen shelter policies to ensure services are supportive and attractive to those leaving outdoor living. Serenity House Shelter typically has dozens of vacant beds.

3. Expand transitional shelter capacity rather than focusing primarily on costly permanent supportive housing. Fast-track permitting and prioritize funding for transitional shelters similar to those operated by 4PA.

4. Redirect funding from drug-use supplies to treatment programs with measurable outcomes.

5. Remove the option to live outside on public land.

6. Prevent encampments from returning through consistent cleanups, volunteer ambassador patrols, regular inspections, and coordinated law enforcement presence.

The Choice

Housing and treatment — or move along.

Individuals living illegally on public land should be given a clear choice: enter shelter or transitional housing combined with mandatory treatment and case management, or move to a county that will accommodate their desire to live outside.

The Process

Grants Pass vs. Johnson affirmed the authority of cities to enforce anti-camping laws.

The Port Angeles City Council has the authority, through the Port Angeles Police Department, to lawfully remove the Tumwater encampment through established legal process. To date, it has largely failed to do so.

On Tuesday, May 19^th, at the Council’s upcoming meeting, city staff are expected to present long-awaited recommendations regarding homelessness and public safety. Residents should pay close attention to whether those recommendations finally include meaningful enforcement of public camping ordinances and protection of environmentally sensitive areas.

This is an opportunity for the City of Port Angeles to lead by example. However, if the City continues to refuse to act, the County has both the authority and obligation to intervene.

The County’s potential avenues include:

• Action through the Board of Health and the health officer under RCW 70.05.060 and RCW 70.05.070,

• Directing the Sheriff's enforcement authority of trespass, solid waste, reckless burning, and public nuisance

• Emergency declarations related to human health or environmental hazards

• Court-ordered cleanup and removal processes with appropriate due process protections, including clear notice of eviction and lawful opportunity for individuals to retrieve their belongings from storage.

Human waste, solid waste accumulation, and contamination of fish-bearing streams are not merely policy disagreements — they are public health and environmental hazards.

If the City will not act, the County must.

Public safety is not optional.

The Port Leads

The Port of Port Angeles deserves recognition for stepping forward and demonstrating leadership by clearing overgrowth and improving visibility along Tumwater Creek on Port property.

Before this effort, the area provided dense cover for encampments, illegal dumping, and drug activity.

Thick brambles often concealed vehicles associated with disturbing and unlawful behavior.

Today, those activities are far more difficult to hide.

The Port’s willingness to act stands in sharp contrast to years of paralysis elsewhere.

Now What?

Clallam County did not arrive here overnight.

Years of non-enforcement, policy drift, and enabling have transformed environmentally sensitive areas into illegal encampments marked by addiction, violence, human waste, and growing public danger. The collision on the Tumwater Truck Route was not an isolated tragedy. It was the predictable outcome of leadership that tolerated dangerous conditions in the name of compassion while abandoning basic standards of public safety and accountability.

Compassion without boundaries is not compassion at all. It is neglect.

Residents should not have to dodge needles on public trails, clean human waste from waterways, or watch young drivers navigate dark roadways beside illegal encampments that officials pretend not to see. Nor should individuals struggling with addiction be left to slowly destroy themselves in tents along fish-bearing streams while government agencies distribute the supplies that sustain the cycle.

The status quo is failing everyone.

The encouraging news is that this can change. Other cities have proven that consistent enforcement, transitional shelter, treatment, cleanup efforts, and coordinated leadership can reclaim public spaces and reduce dangerous encampments. Clallam County can do the same.

The Port of Port Angeles has already demonstrated what leadership looks like. By clearing overgrowth and restoring visibility along Tumwater Creek, the Port showed a willingness to act while others debated, delayed, and deferred responsibility.

Now the question is whether the rest of our local government will finally do the same.

Public safety is not cruel. Protecting waterways is not extreme. Enforcing laws is not oppression. These are the basic responsibilities of government.

The people of Clallam County have been patient long enough.

What can you do?

If you believe the status quo is failing both the community and those struggling with addiction and homelessness, now is the time to speak up.

• Contact all three Clallam County Commissioners by emailing the Clerk of the Board: loni.gores@clallamcountywa.gov

• Contact the entire Port Angeles City Council and urge meaningful action on public safety, environmental protection, and illegal encampments: council@cityofpa.us

• Attend the Port Angeles City Council meeting this Tuesday at 6:00 PM — in person or virtually — and consider giving public comment:

• Thank the Port of Port Angeles for taking the initiative to steward land along Tumwater Creek and improve visibility and safety beside a salmon-bearing stream. The port can be contacted at paulj@portofpa.com.

• Contact Clallam County Health Officer Allison Berry and ask what steps are being taken to address the growing public health and environmental concerns surrounding Tumwater Creek: allison.berry@clallamcountywa.gov

The people of Clallam County have been patient long enough. Public safety, clean waterways, and accountable leadership matter.

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See You This Afternoon in Forks

Editor’s Note: CC Watchdog editor Jeff Tozzer also serves as campaign manager for Jake Seegers during his run for Clallam County Commissioner, District 3. Learn more at www.JakeSeegers.com.

For years, the public has been told that tribal control automatically means better environmental stewardship. But court records, treaty disputes, commercial export operations, and decades of intertribal lawsuits tell a far more complicated story. From oyster farms inside wildlife refuges to fights over fishing territories, shellfish allocations, and commercial harvests headed overseas, the reality appears less spiritual and more economic. Now, as Protect the Peninsula’s Future continues its lawsuit over commercial oyster operations in the Dungeness National Wildlife Refuge, residents are asking a politically uncomfortable question: if everyone claims to be the “best steward,” why are they all suing each other over the resource?

The debate over tribal stewardship on the Olympic Peninsula just took another turn.

Protect the Peninsula’s Future (PPF) recently updated supporters on its ongoing federal lawsuit against the U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service over commercial oyster operations connected to the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe inside the Dungeness National Wildlife Refuge.

According to PPF, the core issue is simple: the Tribe allegedly received permits from Clallam County, the Washington Department of Ecology, and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers to commercially grow oysters on 34 acres inside the refuge — but the U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service never completed a required “compatibility determination” analyzing whether the operation would harm refuge wildlife.

PPF argues federal law is clear that wildlife conservation must remain the priority on refuge lands. The organization says the Refuge System Improvement Act requires federal managers to ensure “biological integrity, diversity, and environmental health” are maintained before new uses are approved.

Then came another twist.

According to the update, the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe attempted to intervene directly in the lawsuit, arguing that a ruling against the project could financially harm the Tribe. The federal court reportedly denied the request twice, leading to an appeal before the Ninth Circuit.

And that is where this story becomes much larger than one oyster farm.

Because the public is constantly told that tribal management is inherently superior stewardship — almost spiritual in nature — and that criticism of tribal resource control is somehow anti-environmental.

But history paints a more complicated picture.

The “Best Steward” Narrative Meets the Courtroom

If tribal stewardship were universally aligned and environmentally harmonious, why are tribes so frequently suing each other over fish, shellfish, and harvest territory?

The legal record is extensive.

A 2005 federal subproceeding involving the Skokomish Tribe, Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe, and Port Gamble S’Klallam Tribe centered on disputes over Hood Canal fisheries and whether certain harvests violated prior agreements tied to the Boldt Decision framework. The litigation became so complicated that counterclaims were split into separate proceedings.

That wasn’t isolated.

In 2019, another Ninth Circuit case revisited tribal fishing disputes rooted in the Boldt Decision — the landmark 1974 ruling that dramatically reshaped treaty fishing rights in Washington state.

There are also long-running territorial disputes involving the Lummi Nation and S’Klallam tribes over fishing areas and treaty interpretations stretching back decades.

In other words, this isn’t a simple story of “wise stewardship versus reckless outsiders.”

It is often competing governments fighting over highly valuable commercial resources.

And the stakes are enormous.

This Isn’t Just Subsistence Fishing

Another uncomfortable reality rarely discussed publicly is the scale and commercialization of many modern tribal fisheries.

According to the Northwest Indian Fisheries Commission and related fisheries documents, treaty tribes participate in major commercial harvests involving Pacific whiting, sablefish (blackcod), shrimp, shellfish, geoduck, and sea cucumber fisheries.

One documented example states tribal divers harvested approximately 150,000 sea cucumbers in a single 2020 season.

These are not symbolic harvests intended merely to “feed the village.”

This is industrial-scale commerce.

Some of those products enter lucrative export markets in Asia, particularly China.

That matters because the public narrative often frames treaty harvests as purely local, sustainable, low-impact food gathering deeply connected to place and tradition.

But much of the seafood economy today operates like global capitalism because that’s exactly what it is.

Commercial buyers.
Export markets.
International pricing.
Competing allocations.
Territorial disputes.
Federal litigation.

That doesn’t automatically make it wrong.

But it does make the rhetoric surrounding it far less romanticized than what many residents are led to believe.

So Who Gets To Claim Moral Authority?

That may be the most politically sensitive question of all.

Because increasingly, residents are being told that tribes should exercise greater control over wildlife refuges, fisheries, tidelands, shoreline management, salmon restoration policy, and even broader land-use decisions because they are supposedly uniquely qualified stewards of the land.

But if stewardship is genetic, spiritual, or culturally automatic, why do tribes themselves frequently end up in adversarial court battles over harvest boundaries, allocations, shellfish beds, and commercial rights?

Who decides which tribe is the “better steward” when tribes disagree with each other?

The Skokomish?
The Squaxin?
The Lummi?
The Jamestown S’Klallam?
The Lower Elwha Klallam?
The Makah?
The Quileute?
The Puyallup?
The Port Gamble S’Klallam?

And if the answer ultimately becomes “whoever wins in federal court,” then perhaps this debate has far less to do with sacred stewardship and far more to do with power, economics, and control of valuable natural resources.

That may not fit neatly on a bumper sticker.

But it is increasingly difficult to ignore.

Today’s Tidbit: The Front-Page Push for Volunteer Labor

It made the front page.

And notably, it was not written by Sequim Gazette newsroom staff. The article was authored by the Tribe’s communications and publications specialist. In other words, the Tribe effectively received front-page space in the local paper to promote its own messaging and programs in what reads more like institutional public relations than independent reporting.

Not a story about a struggling nonprofit.
Not a tiny grassroots conservation club operating on bake sales and spare change.

A front-page story about the Jamestown Corporation’s Refuge Management Program and its partnership with the Dungeness Nature Alliance recruiting volunteers to help trap invasive European green crabs on the Dungeness Spit.

According to the article, more than 40 community volunteers are already participating in the effort through the Dungeness Nature Alliance (DNA), a volunteer partnership involving the Refuge Management Program and the Dungeness River Nature Center.

The article describes volunteers spending hundreds of hours trapping crabs, recording biometrics, entering data, and supporting field operations throughout the season.

That raises an interesting question.

Why is an organization tied to a tribal corporation reportedly generating well over $100 million annually relying so heavily on unpaid community labor?

Especially when that corporation ultimately benefits from the same marine ecosystems being protected.

The volunteer handbook gets even more interesting.

Volunteers are thanked for “donating” their time not only to the Dungeness Nature Alliance, but also to the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe itself. The handbook says volunteers will receive training on Jamestown S’Klallam tribal history and culture, refuge program goals, and organizational values. It also emphasizes that volunteers should “accurately and respectfully reflect diversity in everything we do.”

In other words, this isn’t simply “show up and trap crabs.”

It appears to function partly as environmental volunteerism, partly as public outreach, and partly as institutional brand-building tied to tribal management of refuge lands and marine ecosystems.

And again — this is occurring while ongoing litigation continues over commercial oyster operations within the Dungeness National Wildlife Refuge itself.

So residents may reasonably wonder:

If the operation is large enough to support industrial aquaculture, extensive fisheries interests, land acquisitions, hospitality ventures, medical enterprises, and major development projects… why is the public still being asked to provide free labor to manage the environmental consequences surrounding those same protected ecosystems?

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Futurewise and its GreenLink partners want to daylight lower Valley Creek and turn parts of Port Angeles into a new creek-and-trails corridor. Supporters call it environmental restoration. Critics see a costly vision that could require property acquisition, impact industrial land near the waterfront, and eventually burden taxpayers with another park the city struggles to maintain. The Port of Port Angeles has signaled it does not support plans that interfere with waterfront operations, yet the project continues moving forward with grants, NGO backing, and regional political support tied to the NODC — where Clallam County Commissioner Mark Ozias serves in leadership.

In the podcast: Public comment highlights from the commissioners’ meeting.

It Started With an Email

Futurewise is a Seattle-based environmental and “smart growth” nonprofit involved in land-use planning, housing policy, climate initiatives, and environmental restoration projects across Washington state. One of its local efforts is “GreenLink Port Angeles” — a long-term vision to reshape parts of Port Angeles through connected parks, trails, stormwater projects, and restored creek corridors using what planners call “green infrastructure.”

Supporters describe GreenLink as an effort to improve salmon habitat, recreation, walkability, and climate resilience. Critics see something much larger: a gradual but transformative land-use agenda driven by NGOs, grants, advisory committees, and regional planning groups rather than direct public demand or voter approval.

That debate intensified after an April 23 presentation to the North Olympic Development Council (NODC).

During the meeting, Futurewise representative Susannah Spock presented updates on the “GreenLink Port Angeles Master Plan for Valley Creek.” Afterwards, NODC staff circulated the presentation to community leaders and noted that additional background materials and feasibility studies may eventually be posted online.

At first glance, the slides look harmless enough: salmon, trails, stormwater, trees, and community visioning.

But buried inside the presentation are references to:

• property ownership,

• acquisition planning,

• vehicle circulation,

• industrial constraints,

• and future economic studies.

That is when this stops looking like a simple environmental cleanup project and starts looking like a major land-use proposal.

The presentation itself openly states the project was funded through the EPA and Washington Department of Ecology.

Greenlink Nodc Presentation 2026421

2.75MB ∙ PDF file

Download

Download

A “Property Acquisition Map” Should Get People’s Attention

By Slide 13, the presentation includes something called a “City property acquisition map.”

This project is not being proposed in an empty field. It runs through developed parts of Port Angeles near businesses, roads, utilities, industrial property, and waterfront infrastructure.

Slide 11 of the presentation says the planning process examined:

• property ownership,

• legal and historical context,

• pedestrian and vehicle circulation,

• creek routing alternatives,

• and more.

Again, that is not just “planting trees.” That is planning around existing private and public land.

The City of Port Angeles’ own 2022 feasibility-study packet says the lower Valley Creek watershed is already “highly developed” and includes major constraints involving:

• industrial and commercial uses,

• stormwater infrastructure,

• utilities,

• contaminated soils,

• and circulation issues.

Why Valley Creek?

One of the biggest questions critics raise is simple:

Why Valley Creek?

Valley Creek is not currently a fish-bearing stream in the area being discussed, and the project itself reportedly still faces a major upstream fish-passage problem, including an approximately 8-foot drop further upstream.

Meanwhile, residents point out that Tumwater Creek — an actual fish-bearing stream — already struggles with homeless encampments, garbage, environmental degradation, drug activity, and public safety concerns.

So critics are asking:

• If the city already struggles to protect Tumwater Creek, what happens when another urban creek park is created?

• What prevents a future Valley Creek trail system from becoming another unmanaged encampment corridor?

• Who pays for security, cleanup, maintenance, and enforcement?

Those concerns are not theoretical anymore in Port Angeles.

Residents have watched camps spread near waterways, parks, trails, and public spaces for years.

The glossy renderings in the GreenLink presentation show peaceful walking trails and restored habitat. One slide literally transforms an industrial-looking corridor into a green pedestrian creek park.

But nowhere in the presentation is there a serious discussion about:

• long-term park security,

• camping enforcement,

• public drug use,

• sanitation,

• or the costs of maintaining another vulnerable urban greenspace.

The Port and Futurewise Are Not on the Same Page

The Port of Port Angeles may not have passed a formal resolution opposing the Valley Creek project, but its own planning documents make one thing very clear: protecting the working waterfront comes first.

The Port’s 2024 Recreation and Public Access Plan repeatedly states that public access and recreation must remain compatible with:

• industrial and marine-trades activity,

• freight movement,

• maritime operations,

• and long-term economic development.

That matters because the GreenLink proposal envisions transforming parts of the waterfront area into green infrastructure corridors, trails, and public-access spaces — the exact kinds of changes that can conflict with industrial waterfront operations.

The GreenLink documents themselves acknowledge those challenges. The planning materials discuss:

• property acquisition,

• circulation changes,

• infrastructure conflicts,

• industrial land constraints,

• and impacts to surrounding businesses.

At the same time, the Port has been actively pursuing marine-trades and industrial development projects nearby.

Those two visions do not naturally align.

One side sees a restored creek corridor and public greenspace. The other sees working waterfront land that supports jobs, shipping, marine trades, and economic activity.

Port planning documents repeatedly stress that recreation must not interfere with industrial waterfront operations — language that strongly suggests the Port has little interest in seeing key waterfront property transformed into another experimental urban restoration project.

The Money Doesn’t Exist Yet

Another major issue: funding.

The City’s own feasibility materials acknowledge that the lower Valley Creek corridor is heavily developed and filled with major constraints. The documents also make clear that the current grants fund planning work — not construction — meaning the project would depend on substantial future funding, additional studies, and further phases before any major work could move forward.

Despite that, the project continues moving forward through grants and planning phases.

The Puget Sound National Estuary Program lists a $100,000 award connected to the “GreenLink Port Angeles Valley Creek Stormwater Park.” Futurewise also later sought consultants for an economic study tied to the Valley Creek daylighting project and future capital funding applications.

In other words:
the project may not have construction money, but it continues building momentum through planning grants, studies, outreach, and stakeholder coordination.

Who Is Driving This?

The GreenLink Advisory Committee (GLAC) reportedly included environmental organizations, agency representatives, consultants, and tribal participation.

According to the City packet, participants included:

• the Lower Elwha Klallam Tribe,

• Washington Sea Grant,

• Olympic National Park,

• City representatives,

• environmental planners,

• and restoration professionals.

The same City materials specifically reference:

• tribal cultural interests,

• environmental justice,

• and tribal restoration interests connected to Valley Creek.

Meanwhile, NODC — the organization hosting the presentation — prominently features tribal land acknowledgment language on its website and includes tribal governments among its membership.

Clallam County Commissioner Mark Ozias serves as Vice President of the NODC.

That raises a broader public question:
How much influence should NGOs, unelected advisory groups, and grant-funded planning organizations have over the future of Port Angeles property, waterfront development, and public land policy?

The Bigger Concern

Supporters see GreenLink as restoration.

Critics see the early stages of something much larger:

• property acquisition,

• shifting waterfront priorities,

• expensive long-term obligations,

• and another urban park system that the city may struggle to control or maintain.

And after watching what happened around Tumwater Creek, many residents are no longer convinced that simply creating another “green corridor” automatically improves a city.

Sometimes it just creates another place government cannot manage.

Today’s Tidbit: Another Transient Sex Offender Arrives in Clallam County

Clallam County has attracted another transient sex offender.

Why?

Because this county is increasingly becoming the path of least resistance — a place where transients can arrive, blend in, access services, and remain largely disconnected from accountability. Critics say the combination of permissive policies, weak enforcement, endless social services, and publicly funded harm-reduction programs has helped turn Port Angeles into a destination for troubled individuals from outside the region.

According to the Washington sex offender registry, 32-year-old Mikel Adam Couch is now listed as a transient in Port Angeles.

Couch’s criminal history comes out of Texas and includes:

• Online Solicitation of a Minor for Sexual Conduct

• Two convictions for Possession of Child Pornography

Texas records show he was still registered there as a sex offender as recently as March of this year.

According to a 2019 CBS Texas report, Couch was among multiple suspects arrested during an undercover Internet Crimes Against Children operation in Tarrant County.

Police said undercover officers posed as minors online to identify adults attempting to arrange sexual encounters with children.

Investigators said Couch believed he was meeting a 15-year-old girl.

According to the report, Couch later consented to a search of his cellphone, where investigators reportedly discovered four videos of child pornography.

And now he is reportedly transient in Port Angeles.

Residents are asking an increasingly uncomfortable question:

Why does Clallam County continue attracting people like this?

Many locals argue that the county’s policies advertise that Port Angeles is a place where transients can access:

• free supplies,

• publicly funded services,

• relaxed enforcement,

• camping tolerance,

• and harm-reduction programs with few meaningful barriers.

Critics also point to the county’s Harm Reduction Health Center, where individuals can receive free drug paraphernalia and shower vouchers for the Shore Aquatic Center.

That policy was approved by the Shore Pool Board, which includes Commissioners Mike French and Randy Johnson, Port Angeles City Councilmembers LaTrisha Suggs and Mark Hodgson, and community member Greg Shield.

So residents are left wondering:

How did Clallam County become a place where transient offenders from Texas end up living near parks, trails, schools, and public facilities — while local taxpayers fund the systems supporting them?

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Indivisible Sequim says it’s worried about a “mole” leaking screenshots to CC Watchdog. But the bigger story may be the man at the center of it all: Jim Stoffer. Long before moderating progressive Facebook groups and lecturing others about “safety,” Stoffer was embroiled in Coast Guard protest controversies involving accusations of unreliable testimony, suppression of demonstrators, and allegations of harassment of anti-war activists. Decades later, critics say the same patterns—control, secrecy, retaliation, and intimidation—continue to follow him through local politics, education, and public service.

For a group that claims to stand for “democracy,” “inclusion,” and “human rights,” Indivisible Sequim seems awfully concerned about people reading what they write.

According to screenshots, members of the group are now warning each other that someone inside their private Facebook community is sharing posts with CC Watchdog. One member warned that the “CC Watchdog franchise” was screenshotting posts and comments from local Indivisible groups.

Others discussed operating with “a bit of stealth” for future “pop-up” activities.

But perhaps the most revealing comments came from the group’s moderator himself: Jim Stoffer.

Stoffer described a “Safety Security Team” that stays alert “like a Border Collie” for “the Watchdog and his minions.” [Note: Indivisible Sequim is shortened to “IS.”]

At the same time, members insisted they had “nothing to hide” — even while discussing how to identify the “mole,” tighten internal security, and remove people who do not ideologically align with the group.

If all of this sounds familiar, it should.

Because according to public records, sworn testimony, investigative reports, and years of controversy, accusations surrounding Jim Stoffer have followed a remarkably consistent pattern for decades.

And it did not begin in Sequim.

The Coast Guard Years

Long before becoming involved in Sequim politics and education, Stoffer was involved in controversies surrounding anti-war protests during Seattle’s Seafair Fleet Week events.

Documents from the Ground Zero Center for Nonviolent Action accused the Coast Guard of using “no protest zones” to push demonstrators out of public view during Navy events.

The documents specifically referenced Lt. James D. Stoffer by name.

According to a 2010 fact sheet distributed by activists, one Peace Fleet participant was “falsely charged and tried in a Coast Guard hearing.” The document states that a Coast Guard Hearing Officer later ruled that “Lt. James D. Stoffer… had given ‘unreliable’ testimony.”

Another detailed filing submitted to the Department of Transportation went even further.

Activist Glen Milner accused the Coast Guard of a “long history of harassment of demonstrators” and specifically alleged that he had been “framed” by Stoffer during a Seafair protest enforcement action.

Milner wrote:

“To protect the Coast Guard, the Coast Guard Hearing Officer on the case ruled that Lt. James D. Stoffer’s testimony was only ‘unreliable.’”

The broader accusations involved infiltration of activist groups, monitoring protestors, suppression of speech, and efforts to minimize demonstrators’ visibility during public Navy events. The controversy became serious enough that a Department of Justice report on domestic advocacy investigations later discussed the monitoring of Peace Fleet activists and Coast Guard intelligence activities.

Today, critics say the irony is hard to ignore.

In 2019, Stoffer publicly posted Coast Guard values on social media:

“HONOR — Integrity is our standard. We demonstrate uncompromising ethical conduct and moral behavior in all our actions.”

“RESPECT — We treat each other with fairness, dignity and compassion.”

“DEVOTION TO DUTY — We seek responsibility, accept accountability…”

Yet critics point to years of accusations involving unreliable testimony, retaliation claims, secrecy, activist monitoring, and political targeting and ask a simple question:

Were those values ever actually practiced?

Sequim School District Controversies

The Coast Guard controversies would not be the end of public conflict surrounding Stoffer.

Years later, he became deeply embroiled in Sequim School District controversies that generated lawsuits, sworn testimony, allegations of retaliation, and enormous community division.

CC Watchdog and other local outlets have extensively documented allegations that Stoffer:

• Nearly faced censure while serving on the Sequim School Board.

• Resigned amid controversy.

• Was accused of sharing confidential information with a tribal ambassador while serving in public office.

• Gave contradictory testimony during a federal investigation connected to the district.

• Was accused of attempting to damage the careers of rivals who challenged district leadership.

• Continued exerting influence in local education circles even after controversy engulfed the district.

Critics have repeatedly questioned how Stoffer continues receiving appointments and influence despite years of conflict surrounding his public conduct.

That criticism resurfaced recently in a letter sent to Olympic Educational Service District leadership.

A concerned resident wrote directly to OESD Superintendent Dr. Leavell [aleavell@oesd114.org], questioning why Stoffer still serves as the District 5 representative and warning that his continued involvement causes discomfort for people who previously dealt with him professionally.

The resident wrote:

“In my view, his past actions have resulted in substantial financial lawsuits for taxpayers, and has negatively impacted the reputation of the district.”

The resident also warned that Stoffer’s continued presence at official events remained “a point of significant distress” for some individuals.

The letter concluded by urging the board to seek a new representative.

Security, Secrecy, and “The Mole”

Now the same themes appear again inside Indivisible Sequim.

A supposedly inclusive activist organization is now discussing “moles,” internal monitoring, stealth tactics, and ideological gatekeeping.

Applicants reportedly undergo extensive vetting questions involving race, climate activism, social justice commitments, and opposition to the “MAGA agenda.”

Meanwhile, members openly discuss concerns over screenshots becoming public.

And once again, Jim Stoffer appears in the middle of it.

The same man once accused in Coast Guard protest controversies involving surveillance, activist monitoring, and suppression is now moderating discussions about “security teams,” “moles,” and ideological outsiders inside a local political activist group.

And what makes the situation especially striking, critics say, is the contradiction at the center of it all.

Many of the same individuals expressing fears about screenshots, criticism, public exposure, and “bullying” have themselves participated in campaigns designed to pressure, isolate, or publicly target others. Indivisible Sequim members have openly discussed boycotting local businesses that do not align with their political views.

Members of Indivisible Sequim have argued voters should reject candidates because of their Catholic faith.

Activists associated with these movements have encouraged students to skip school for political causes while presenting themselves as defenders of tolerance and inclusion.

Yet when scrutiny is directed back toward them, the language suddenly shifts to “safety,” “security,” “stealth,” and fears of harassment.

For critics, the issue is not that Indivisible Sequim is being bullied.

The issue is that a group accustomed to applying social and political pressure to others appears deeply uncomfortable receiving public scrutiny itself.

And critics say it becomes even more troubling when these activities continue receiving legitimacy and support from the supposedly “nonpartisan” League of Women Voters.

For many residents, Jim Stoffer’s incidents feel less like coincidences and more like a decades-long pattern.

A pattern involving control.
A pattern involving secrecy.
A pattern involving ideological gatekeeping.

And a pattern involving retaliation against critics while simultaneously claiming victimhood when criticism is returned.

Meanwhile, local residents are left wondering how someone like Jim Stoffer repeatedly connected to this level of controversy continues to maintain influence in education, activism, and public life across Clallam County.

Because regardless of political affiliation, one thing is becoming harder and harder to ignore:

The controversies surrounding Jim Stoffer never seem to end.

Today’s Tidbit: How Many Chances Does One Person Get?

Sunday brought a fire scare to Port Angeles — this time at the Fairmount Restaurant, where emergency crews responded to a reported burn complaint and possible arson investigation involving David Waddell, according to scanner traffic.

If that name sounds familiar, it should.

Because for years, Waddell has repeatedly appeared in scanner reports, police incidents, fire calls, and public disturbances throughout Clallam County — while local taxpayers continue footing the bill for the endless cycle of emergency response, law enforcement, cleanup, and public safety risks.

According to public scanner reports and incident logs:

• March 16, 2022: An RV being used as Waddell’s residence exploded into flames near the old Humane Society property on Highway 101. Fire crews reported propane cylinders inside the RV, nearby structures threatened by the fire, and a major emergency response. The RV was a total loss.

• April 23, 2022: Scanner traffic reported Waddell allegedly attempting to burn a gate using a propane tank and blow torch.

• May 14, 2022: Waddell was reportedly associated with suspicious or possible drug activity at IGS while also carrying a misdemeanor DUI warrant.

• September 25, 2022: Scanner reports again referenced suspicious activity involving property connected to Waddell near the old Humane Society site.

• March 13, 2023: Scanner traffic indicated Waddell had a DUI warrant with bail reportedly set at $80,000.

• November 30, 2025: Scanner reports described Waddell allegedly outside screaming in the street after reportedly earlier being naked in public.

• January 2026: Scanner traffic referenced a California warrant for possession of dangerous drugs and identified Waddell as a convicted felon with prior DOC involvement.

  

• And now Sunday, 2026: another fire-related emergency response tied to Waddell.

At what point does the public get to ask whether this revolving-door system is actually compassionate — or simply enabling chaos?

Residents are constantly told Clallam County needs more money, more services, more harm reduction, more housing programs, more outreach teams, and more “resources.” Meanwhile, ordinary taxpayers watch the same names appear over and over in fires, warrants, disturbances, drug incidents, EMS calls, and law enforcement contacts.

And while working families struggle with inflation, housing costs, and public safety concerns, local government continues expanding programs that hand out free drug paraphernalia, including crack pipes and smoking supplies, under the banner of “harm reduction.”

The uncomfortable question many residents are asking is simple:

How many public resources should one chronically destructive individual be allowed to consume before accountability finally enters the conversation?

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Commissioner Mike French recently called himself “pretty close to a free speech absolutist.” That may surprise residents who remember public comments being cut short, monthly Q&A forums canceled, and one critic suddenly losing Zoom video access after challenging the county’s story on the Dungeness Reservoir. The bigger problem? That critic, John Worthington, keeps turning out to be right.

“I am pretty close to a free speech absolutist,” Commissioner Mike French told the gallery during a Board of Commissioners meeting last month.

“I think that the First Amendment is one of the most important amendments that exists,” French continued. “It is fundamental to American democracy. It changed the world when it was instituted.”

French explained that he intentionally allows broad public participation during meetings, even when comments drift away from agenda items. He said that even if fellow commissioners pushed him to tighten the process, “I wouldn’t do so.” If a meeting runs an extra 30 minutes because citizens are speaking, French said, that is time well spent.

It was a remarkable statement from a commissioner, given that meeting attendees had spent years observing him doing the exact opposite.

For more than three years, residents attending Clallam County commissioner meetings have watched public comments interrupted when they drifted away from agenda items. Critics of the board were often cut off abruptly at the three-minute mark, while supporters received additional time. Monthly commissioner forums were canceled due to time constraints; make-up sessions were not rescheduled, and the forums — the only chance for residents to engage in two-way dialogue — end precisely at 11:45 a.m., even when constituents are still waiting to ask questions.

Now, however, French is running for reelection under a new campaign slogan:

“I show up. I listen. I deliver.”

That may explain why the listening suddenly feels new.

The Day the Video Suddenly Stopped Working

The clearest example came in March 2024 during a public comment session held over Zoom.

“No video allowed? Is that what’s going on here?” asked a remote participant after realizing his camera feed had been disabled.

“Go ahead,” replied Board Chairman Mike French.

“I have no video,” the commenter responded.

“Yes, we can hear you,” French reassured him.

“Why am I being censored?” the commenter asked.

“So, this is a limited public forum,” French explained. “You’re allowed to make comments. We’re not required to give you full access to every feature on Zoom.”

The explanation immediately raised eyebrows in the room because Zoom video participation had already become common practice during commissioner meetings following the pandemic. Residents across Clallam County — particularly those in remote areas like Forks and Sekiu — had relied heavily on video participation and screen-sharing to present documents, photos, statistics, and road conditions without driving hours to Port Angeles.

Even more confusing, video and screen-sharing had already been allowed earlier in the very same meeting.

One Towne Road landowner had routinely used Zoom video to argue against reopening Towne Road.

On other occasions, a University of Washington student activist group had been allowed to use screen-sharing while advocating that the Towne Road levee should not function as a public road.

But on this particular day, the rules changed.

Enter John Worthington

The resident whose video access had been disabled was John Worthington.

Worthington had become increasingly critical of statements made by Commissioner Mark Ozias and county leadership regarding the Dungeness Reservoir and other county issues. This was the first time Worthington had participated in public comment since an article had been published questioning the county’s public narrative surrounding those matters.

The gallery noticed the sudden restriction immediately.

Commissioner French attempted to justify the change by pointing out that other agencies often impose even stricter limitations during virtual meetings.

“I’ll just point out that if you join other virtual meetings of other public agencies in the area, you’re not even allowed to unmute,” French said.

At the close of the meeting, French again addressed public comment rules and reminded attendees that the county is not actually required to provide open public comment periods.

“We go over and above what the state requires because we want people to have an opportunity to provide feedback on general county business to us,” he said. “There has been a recognized trend of people weaponizing these platforms to pursue hate speech… I don’t think that we have a problem with hate speech, but I just want to make it clear that many other communities have.”

A resident in the gallery then asked the obvious question:

“What’s the policy on video?”

“We’re not required to accept video public comments,” French answered.

Another attendee followed up:

“Is there a policy though? No more video going forward?”

French responded that county policies existed within county code and administrative policies, though he admitted, “I can’t tell you off the top of my head what it says exactly.”

The strangest part of the exchange was that Worthington had been allowed to use video and screen-sharing during the earlier public comment session just 30 minutes before. After his comments became critical of county leadership, the rules appeared to change specifically for him.

Commissioner Mark Ozias later stated that he supported developing additional policies governing public comment.

The Problem With Selective Rules

Freedom of speech does not simply mean allowing approved opinions while restricting critics. Government entities are expected to apply rules consistently and impartially, especially when public participation is involved. When one resident is allowed to share video and documents while another suddenly loses those privileges immediately after criticizing county leadership, it naturally creates concerns about viewpoint discrimination.

That concern becomes even more significant considering Worthington’s history with the commissioners.

In November 2024, Worthington publicly questioned county officials about a contract with Cascadia Consulting Group. Commissioner French initially claimed he did not recognize the company.

“I’m at a loss as to what that group would be,” French said at the meeting.

County officials similarly suggested they were unaware of any significant relationship with the consultant.

But Worthington was correct.

The county had entered into an active contract with Cascadia six months prior. The contract was worth $369,535, and the county had issued a payment to the company just weeks earlier.

After staff searched county records during the meeting, officials acknowledged the contract existed.

That history matters because it helps explain why some residents believe Worthington was not being treated as a neutral public commenter. He had become a persistent critic who had uncovered uncomfortable information.

And that is what makes French’s recent “free speech absolutist” comments so politically awkward.

COVID Restrictions and Political Messaging

French now speaks passionately about the importance of the First Amendment and open public participation. Yet many residents remember the COVID era, when local government restrictions affected movement, business access, employment, and public participation throughout the county.

They also remember French publicly defending vaccine verification requirements at his former restaurant, First Street Haven, in 2021.

“So I stood at the door to my restaurant yesterday and today and asked customers for proof of vaccination,” French wrote at the time, explaining that only a small number objected or walked away.

“Social media is not an accurate representation of reality,” he added.

Critics see a contradiction. Constitutional liberty and freedom of movement were treated very differently during COVID than they are in today’s reelection messaging about free speech and public participation.

“Leave Your Politics Out of Disneyland”

French’s own social media posts have also complicated the image of a principled “free speech absolutist.” In one Disneyland post, French joked about seeing visitors wearing MAGA hats and wrote: “leave your politics out of Disneyland, boners.”

Humorous? Probably.

Consistent with a free speech absolutist philosophy? Perhaps not.

The Bigger Question

The larger issue now facing Clallam County voters is not whether Commissioner French supports free speech in theory. Most politicians claim they do.

The real question is whether those principles are applied consistently — especially when the speaker is critical of county leadership.

Because when John Worthington supported positions favorable to county leadership, Zoom video worked just fine.

When he became a problem, suddenly it did not.

Today’s Tidbit: Saturday Morning Hangover

The following photos were taken Saturday morning in Port Angeles by a contributor who wishes to remain anonymous. The sender titled the email: “French’s Clallam County.”

According to the source, Saturday mornings are especially rough because the Harm Reduction Health Center is open Fridays, meaning many users have just received fresh supplies and paraphernalia.

The contributor said a woman was sitting against a wall behind Safeway with a white sheet draped over her head and was not moving. According to the source, the man with her appeared so impaired that he was unable to monitor her condition or safety. Concerned for the woman’s wellbeing, the contributor contacted law enforcement.

Many of the scenes were photographed directly in front of Clallam County’s Health and Human Services building on 3rd Street, across from the “UnSafeway.” Tents, open drug use, loitering, and trash continue to dominate the area surrounding county property.

At a recent Public Safety Town Hall, Commissioner Mike French said public spaces would improve when ordinary citizens show up and begin using parks again to reclaim them.

That raises an obvious question: if simply “showing up” is the solution, why isn’t the county reclaiming its own property first?

Recently, Stacey Richards filmed activity at the Veterans Bell encampment beside the courthouse — a memorial space honoring local veterans. According to Richards, individuals using drugs there told her it was “private property” and that she was not allowed to film or even be present.

All of this is happening next door to Commissioner Mike French’s office.

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In this powerful Sundays With Seegers podcast-only episode, County Commissioner candidate Jake Seegers sits down with Port Angeles community advocate and entrepreneur David Rogers for one of the most candid conversations yet about addiction, recovery, public safety, and the failures of modern harm reduction policies.

Rogers doesn’t speak as an outsider. He openly discusses years of addiction, arrests, jail time, treatment programs, and the shame that ultimately pushed him to change his life. “Most of the people I know who are clean ended up arrested,” Rogers says during the interview, arguing that consequences—not endless enabling—often became the turning point for recovery.

Now nine years into recovery, Rogers is a husband, father of three daughters, business owner, mushroom farmer, and founder of the Olympic Peninsula Fungi Festival—a wildly successful event that brings thousands of visitors to Port Angeles during the shoulder season.

The festival has grown into the largest mushroom festival in the Pacific Northwest, featuring workshops, excursions, live music, cooking classes, vendors, camping, and a celebrated culinary mushroom feast.

But the heart of this episode is Rogers’ blunt assessment of today’s addiction policies. “I don’t think that should be something that we should be making easy,” Rogers says about open-air addiction and public drug use. “There needs to be consequences because those consequences start to make you reconsider your actions.”

From shocking stories about public drug use near the courthouse to deeply personal reflections about recovery, treatment, and rebuilding a life, this is a conversation that will challenge assumptions—and leave listeners thinking long after it ends.

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Editor’s Note: CC Watchdog editor Jeff Tozzer also serves as campaign manager for Jake Seegers during his run for Clallam County Commissioner, District 3. Learn more at www.JakeSeegers.com.

The Jamestown Corporation’s newsletters used to be publicly available online. Now they’re much harder to find. But when the county’s second-largest and fastest-growing employer quietly outlines its plans, projects, partnerships, political relationships, land ambitions, and economic advantages, the public should probably pay attention. This review of the Tribe’s May 2026 newsletter raises serious questions about who is shaping the future of Clallam County, who benefits, and whether the public’s interests are increasingly taking a back seat to tribal expansion and influence.

If you want to know where power is moving, don’t watch the speeches — watch the land, the money, and the partnerships.

The Jamestown Corporation’s May 2026 newsletter reads less like a community bulletin and more like a roadmap for expanding influence across the Olympic Peninsula.

And perhaps most importantly, much of it is happening with little public discussion.

The Wildlife Refuge Question Nobody Can Answer

The centerpiece of the newsletter is Chairman Ron Allen’s continued push for transferring the Dungeness and Protection Island National Wildlife Refuges into tribal trust ownership.

But here’s the question nobody seems willing to answer clearly:

Why?

Tribal members already have access to the National Wildlife Refuges because they are American citizens. The public already has access. The Tribe already co-manages and participates in stewardship activities.

So why pursue sole ownership and federal trust status?

The newsletter explains that the refuges attracted more than 75,000 visitors in 2025 and says one goal is to “educate the public regarding Indigenous values and cultural history.”

Clallam County has a population of roughly 78,000 people. The Tribe is openly discussing using these federal lands to educate a population roughly equivalent to the size of the county itself.

That’s not simply conservation language. That’s cultural and political influence language.

And once land enters trust status, local government loses authority over it permanently.

“Wars Fought on the Spit” — Or Something Else?

Allen’s article references “wars fought on the spit in the 1800s that resulted in an Indigenous burial site.”

But local historical accounts describe something far more specific and far less romanticized than “wars.”

In September 1868, a group of Jamestown raiders attacked a camp of Tsimshian Indians on Dungeness Spit before dawn. Historical accounts describe the attackers collapsing the victims’ shelter before killing 17 men, women, and children with clubs, knives, and firearms. Only one survivor—a wounded pregnant teenager—escaped to the lighthouse, where she was reportedly given protection by the white lighthouse keeper.

According to Dungeness Massacre and Other Regional Tales, published in 1961, the Jamestown tribal members involved in the massacre were arrested and given two days to dispose of the victims’ remains. The account states:

“Contrary to general belief, the Clallams did not bury the dead enemy on the beach. Instead the bodies of the Chimseans along with that of Lame Jack were placed in the largest of the canoes, in the bottom of which holes were bored, and set out to sea. A strong southeast wind carried the funeral barge filled with dead bodies to the deep water of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, where it sank, bringing an end to the tragic episode.”

If this historical account is accurate, the bodies were not buried on the spit itself. It is also important to acknowledge a detail often glossed over in modern retellings: those killed on Dungeness Spit were murdered at the hands of Jamestown tribal members.

That distinction matters.

Because when historical events are reduced to vague phrases like “wars fought on the spit,” the public loses critical context and nuance. A targeted massacre is not the same thing as a generalized battlefield conflict. And when these historical narratives are invoked today as part of arguments for transferring control of a national wildlife refuge, accuracy becomes even more important.

Rebranding the Spit Has Already Begun

One of the more subtle entries in the newsletter may actually be one of the most revealing.

The Tribe proudly highlights “Poetry-Line Paths” signs now installed along the Dungeness refuge trails in partnership with the North Olympic Library System.

Culturally, symbolically, and institutionally, this is how landscapes slowly become redefined.

New signage.
New interpretive framing.
New historical narratives.
New cultural branding.

The newsletter openly celebrates the effort to “correct” kiosk signage and incorporate tribal governmental and cultural messaging into the refuge experience.

Again, the question isn’t whether tribal history deserves recognition.

Of course it does.

The question is whether the public fully understands that this is part of a much broader long-term effort to reshape ownership, management, branding, and authority over public lands.

Environmental Stewardship — For Everyone Else

Another recurring theme throughout the newsletter is environmental stewardship, salmon recovery, climate action, habitat restoration, buffers, and ecological protection.

Yet many local residents have noticed what appears to be a very different set of standards when tribal economic projects are involved.

The Jamestown Corporation continues to push for commercial net pens. The Corporation was able to build a gas station adjacent to salmon-bearing Jimmycomelately Creek and is now planning another on Miller Peninsula. Meanwhile, geoduck and other shellfish harvested locally are flown overseas to Asian markets as part of large-scale commercial operations.

Wetlands were filled and altered during expansion projects at the Cedars at Dungeness Golf Course, and today, anyone driving Highway 101 can see massive earthmoving activity underway at the Salish Trails RV Resort site — on land that was formerly a wetland.

At the same time, ordinary property owners routinely face growing environmental restrictions, wider buffers, expensive permitting hurdles, and escalating compliance costs in the name of habitat protection and climate stewardship.

That’s where many residents see hypocrisy. Environmental standards often appear uncompromising when applied to homeowners, farmers, and small businesses, yet far more flexible when major tribal commercial projects are involved. For critics, it increasingly feels like environmental absolutism for the public — and economic flexibility for politically connected projects.

The Nitrous Oxide Crackdown — But Cannabis Is Fine?

The newsletter celebrates the Tribe’s support for banning retail nitrous oxide sales statewide.

The article frames it as a public health victory.

But critics may reasonably ask another question:

Why is nitrous oxide treated as an intolerable threat while heavily taxed cannabis sales remain a major tribal business?

One obvious difference is taxation.

Cannabis generates enormous tax revenue. Nitrous oxide didn’t.

And unlike many non-tribal businesses, tribes operating under sovereign frameworks can retain significant financial advantages in how cannabis revenues and taxation structures operate.

So while the Tribe pushes aggressively to eliminate one intoxicating product from competitors’ shelves, it continues profiting from another highly regulated intoxicant market.

Whether people agree or disagree with cannabis legalization, the economic incentive here is difficult to ignore.

Political Relationships Continue to Blur

Buried in the Culture Department section is another noteworthy detail.

Pete Tjemsland — currently serving on the Sequim City Council — is identified as leading ground crew coordination for canoe journey practices.

Why does this matter?

Because Tjemsland recently voted in favor of Sequim sending a letter supporting transfer of the wildlife refuges to the Tribe.

Again, none of this is illegal.

But the overlap between tribal initiatives, local elected officials, nonprofit partnerships, cultural programming, and public institutions continues to grow deeper and more interconnected.

Food Distribution Based on Identity

One section of the newsletter promotes a Jefferson County Food Bank Pop-Up event specifically for “BIPOC and 2SLGBTQIA people and their families,” with no income verification required.

The event is hosted through the Jefferson County Immigrant Rights Advocates Multicultural Center.

Many readers will likely ask:

Would a whites-only or heterosexual-only food distribution program ever be tolerated?

And why exactly is this being highlighted in a tribal newsletter? More importantly, why is a Tribe that generates over $100 million annually promoting a program encouraging roughly 200 local tribal members to access free food distributions intended for identity-based groups — without any income verification requirement?

The Visit That Never Made Headlines

The newsletter casually mentions that Washington Secretary of State Steve Hobbs visited the Jamestown Tribal Library and staff recently.

Most Clallam County residents probably never heard about it.

No major headlines.
Little public discussion.
No broad media attention.

Yet one of the state’s highest-ranking elected officials quietly visited tribal facilities.

That alone speaks volumes about where influence and political relationships increasingly flow.

Tax-Free Expansion and the 7 Cedars Empire

The newsletter also highlights major upgrades coming to 7 Cedars Resort, described as “The entertainment capital of the Olympic Peninsula.”

And to be fair — the Tribe has undeniably built a successful enterprise.

But it’s worth acknowledging the enormous structural advantages involved.

Imagine operating major commercial properties without the same property tax burdens, lodging taxes, or many of the regulatory burdens faced by competing businesses.

That advantage compounds year after year.

Meanwhile, surrounding governments increasingly ask ordinary taxpayers for levy lid lifts, fee increases, and higher taxes to maintain services.

Subsistence — Or Commercial Harvest?

The newsletter also discusses halibut harvest opportunities, noting:

“The fishery is currently open seven days a week and fishermen can harvest up to 5,000 pounds of halibut per day.”

At some point, residents are fair to ask:

Is this subsistence fishing?
Or commercial-scale economic activity?

The Bigger Picture

None of this is an argument against tribal citizens, tribal culture, or tribal success.

But it is absolutely fair to ask whether the balance of power in Clallam County is shifting in ways the public barely understands.

The Jamestown Corporation is growing economically.
Expanding institutionally.
Acquiring influence culturally.
Building political partnerships.
Seeking additional land control.
Increasing its role in education, conservation, healthcare, tourism, and public policy.

And much of it is happening quietly, incrementally, and often with the enthusiastic support of local governments and institutions that rarely apply the same scrutiny they would to anyone else.

That’s exactly why these newsletters matter.

And exactly why the public should still be allowed to see them.

Tribal Newsletter May 2026 Digital

8.05MB ∙ PDF file

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Today’s Tidbit

Clallam County is updating its Parks Comprehensive Plan — the document that will shape the future of county parks, trails, recreation areas, and public access for the next 10 years.

Why should people care? Because once these plans are adopted, they help determine where money goes, what projects get prioritized, and who helps shape the future of public land. And that’s especially important right now as Jamestown CEO Ron Allen has been working closely with Commissioner Mark Ozias on discussions about “taking over” the Dungeness Recreation Area.

📅 Upcoming Public Forums About Park Comp Plan

📍 Port Angeles — Thursday, May 7
🕐 1:00 PM – 2:30 PM
📚 Port Angeles Main Library

📍 Sequim — Thursday, May 7
🕕 6:00 PM – 8:30 PM
🎙️ KSQM Studios

📍 Forks — Monday, May 11
🕚 11:00 AM – 1:00 PM
📚 Forks Library

📍 Clallam Bay / Sekiu — Monday, May 11
🕕 6:00 PM – 8:00 PM
🏘️ Sekiu Community Center

💻 Can’t attend?
The County says an online version will remain open through May 24. Click here for details.

Sometimes the biggest long-term changes happen quietly through “planning processes” that few people pay attention to until after the decisions are already made.

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