For decades, the Sequim School District hasn’t just faced isolated scandals—it has developed a pattern. From federal convictions to million-dollar settlements, the real story isn’t just what happened, but how leadership repeatedly responded: quiet exits, taxpayer-funded payouts, and silence when questions are raised. Now, as new concerns emerge, the question isn’t whether problems exist—it’s whether anything has truly changed.

The Sequim School District presents itself as a model of community connection and student-centered values. Its mission speaks of safety, respect, and opportunity. On paper, the policies are strong, the language is reassuring, and the expectations are clear.

But the historical record tells a different story.

Yesterday, the Olympic Herald sent shockwaves through Eastern Clallam County with a report that, in striking detail, traces a decades-long pattern of administrative behavior—one that goes far beyond isolated mistakes. The reporting connects court filings, sworn testimony, internal investigations, and financial settlements into a single, consistent narrative—one that points to a deeply embedded culture of avoidance, protection, and retaliation.

This is not about one employee. It is not about one administration.

It is about a system.

A Record Defined by Avoidance, Not Accountability

Olympic Herald reporting documents more than $2.35 million in settlements, tied not to random incidents, but to repeated failures to act, failures to investigate, and failures to protect.

Each case stands on its own. Taken together, they form a pattern that is difficult to ignore.

• Dennis Peterson (2001)
  A federal conviction exposed one of the most disturbing failures in the district’s history. Peterson used his classroom, school equipment, and direct access to students to facilitate the exploitation of minors, with evidence tying the abuse directly to school property and school hours. The scale of the misconduct, and the length of time it occurred, raised unavoidable questions about oversight and supervision inside the district itself.

• Dave Cross (2004)
  District records documented grooming behavior, inappropriate contact, and repeated prior warnings that failed to trigger meaningful intervention. Rather than pursue full accountability or continue investigating the scope of the misconduct, the district reached an agreement allowing Cross to resign quietly while continuing to receive salary and benefits. Even more concerning, the district agreed to cease further investigation into additional allegations, effectively closing the door on any deeper review.

• Chris Boushey (2004)
  Extensive online communications between a teacher and a 13-year-old student revealed a pattern of boundary violations that investigators themselves described as grooming. The interactions spanned months, included encouragement of secrecy, and crossed clear professional lines. Despite the seriousness of the conduct, the resolution followed a familiar path: administrative leave, followed by resignation, with no public accountability process.

• Dave Trapp (2005)
  Multiple documented incidents involving physical contact with students, supported by eyewitness accounts and prior reprimands, led to termination proceedings. However, rather than defend its own findings in a public forum, the district reversed course and settled. The outcome allowed Trapp to resign with compensation, avoiding a full airing of the facts and reinforcing a pattern of financial resolution over institutional accountability.

• Jerry Pedersen (2014)
  A volunteer coach developed an inappropriate relationship with a minor athlete under his supervision, communicating extensively outside of appropriate channels. The misconduct was not uncovered through district monitoring or oversight, but through intervention by a parent who reported concerns directly to law enforcement. The case highlighted a critical blind spot in the district’s ability to detect and prevent abuse within its own programs.

• Public Records Violations (2024)
  The district was forced into a $40,000 settlement after failing to comply with Washington’s Public Records Act. The case confirmed that requests for information were not being handled transparently, and that key records were improperly withheld. The settlement required procedural changes, but also underscored a longstanding tendency to control information rather than disclose it.

• Jennifer Maughan Settlement
  More than $700,000 was paid to resolve claims tied to retaliation and workplace misconduct at the administrative level. Testimony associated with the case described a workplace environment shaped by favoritism, internal alliances, and punitive responses to those who raised concerns. The resolution followed the same pattern seen in prior cases—significant financial cost without public accountability.

• Hanna McAndie Case (2023)
  The largest settlement—$1.5 million—stemmed from retaliation against an employee who reported the mistreatment of a vulnerable student. Court filings described an escalating campaign that included professional isolation, reputational attacks, and administrative pressure. Rather than defend the conduct in open court, the district again chose to settle, closing the case but leaving the underlying issues unresolved.

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The Stoffer Factor: Leadership, Leaks, and Retaliation

Overlaying this pattern of institutional behavior is the role of leadership—particularly School Board Director Jim Stoffer, whose actions, as detailed in sworn testimony and investigative reporting by the Olympic Herald, raise serious questions about judgment, accountability, and the exercise of authority.

Stoffer was accused of sharing confidential executive session information, a fundamental breach of trust in any public body. Testimony and records indicate that sensitive personnel matters were discussed outside proper channels and circulated beyond those authorized to receive them. Rather than safeguarding information entrusted to him, Stoffer’s conduct contributed to an environment where internal matters were exposed, manipulated, and used to shape public perception.

That pattern extended beyond disclosure into active narrative control. Rather than keeping confidential personnel investigations secure, Stoffer used his position to funnel rumors directly to the public and to specific factions within the district. The hypocrisy of Stoffer’s actions is staggering—publicly invoking principles of order and discipline while privately distributing unverified and damaging claims outside official processes.

His involvement did not stop at information leaks. Testimony revealed that Stoffer was aware of warning signs during the hiring of Superintendent Robert Clark, including direct cautions from colleagues in other districts. When asked under oath whether he pursued those concerns, Stoffer admitted he willfully ignored the red flag.

That decision would later carry consequences, contributing to the administrative turmoil, litigation, and costly settlements that followed. It stands as a clear example of a leadership choice not to act—despite having reason to.

Beyond internal decision-making, the Olympic Herald reporting outlines a pattern of aggressive and, at times, deeply personal retaliation against critics. Stoffer’s monitoring of social media was so aggressive and intrusive that it triggered internal grievances against him. Community members and district employees who spoke out did not simply face disagreement—they became targets.

Stoffer’s commitment to silencing his critics went to alarming extremes. When a community member began posting about district dysfunction, Stoffer didn’t just disagree—he actively attempted to undermine the man’s career by contacting his employer and triggering professional scrutiny. The escalation did not stop there. In a move that extended far beyond the bounds of public service, Stoffer also contacted the community member’s wife’s employer in a mirrored effort to damage her livelihood as well.

These actions reflect more than poor judgment. They point to a leadership approach that prioritizes control over accountability, and retaliation over transparency.

Failing Up

Despite this record, Stoffer has not stepped away from public education. In October 2023, he was appointed to the Board of Directors for Olympic Educational Service District 114, filling a vacancy after the resignation of a long-serving member.

That appointment placed him back into a position of regional educational leadership, representing multiple school districts and helping guide policy across the Olympic Peninsula. He continues to participate in board decisions, legislative updates, and governance functions within that system.

For many in the community, that reality underscores a deeper concern: this is not behavior that sidelines leadership—it is behavior that continues alongside it. And in a district already marked by patterns of silence and protection, it raises a difficult but unavoidable question about the kind of leadership culture that is not only tolerated, but allowed to persist.

A Network That Closes Ranks

The present-day structure surrounding the district raises additional concerns about alignment and influence.

Key figures connected to the school system—including advisors, board members, and politically active individuals—have overlapping roles in civic organizations and public advocacy efforts. Susan Fisch, who played a visible role in supporting a successful school bond effort, is also connected to the Mock Trial program. Patrice Johnston serves both as a School Board member and as a co-advisor to that same program.

These overlapping roles are not inherently improper. However, in a district with a documented history of protecting insiders and minimizing scrutiny, they raise legitimate questions about independence, oversight, and accountability.

When those within the same network are responsible for oversight, instruction, and public advocacy, the risk is not just conflict—it is consolidation of influence.

When Concerns Are Raised—and Ignored

Recent events have brought those concerns into sharper focus.

A student affiliated with the school’s Mock Trial program delivered public comments tied to an ongoing political dispute involving adults connected to that program. The situation raised reasonable questions about whether the student was acting independently or under the influence of authority figures involved in the same dispute.

Formal concerns were submitted to the Sequim School Board and Superintendent, requesting an investigation into potential boundary issues, advisor influence, and the appropriateness of student involvement in adult political conflicts.

No response was provided.

That silence is not an isolated occurrence. It mirrors a pattern documented across decades: when concerns arise—whether from employees, parents, or the broader community—the institutional response is often delay, deflection, or silence.

A Culture, Not a Coincidence

The consistent thread running through these cases is not the severity of any single incident.

It is the response.

• Misconduct is addressed quietly.

• Investigations are limited or halted.

• Accountability is replaced with settlement.

• Information is withheld or controlled.

Over time, these decisions do more than resolve individual situations—they shape institutional culture.

A culture where problems are managed, not confronted.
A culture where insiders are protected.
A culture where raising concerns carries risk, but ignoring them does not.

A Question of Trust

Last year, the Sequim School District asked voters for nearly a quarter-billion dollars of support—and the district received it.

That support was based on trust. Trust that leadership would act transparently. Trust that student welfare would come first. Trust that past failures would not be repeated.

But trust is not maintained through silence.

It is maintained through accountability.

Call to Action

The community deserves answers.

The Sequim School Board and Superintendent should:

• Acknowledge and respond to concerns raised about student involvement in adult political disputes

• Clarify the role of advisors and ensure clear boundaries between instruction and influence

• Commit to transparent, independent review when concerns are raised

• Demonstrate that the culture described in past reporting is not continuing today

This is not about revisiting history for its own sake.

It is about whether that history is still shaping decisions now.

Because the record is clear.

And the community is watching.

Today’s Tidbit

The following email was sent to the Washington State Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction.

April 23, 2026

To Whom It May Concern,

I am writing to formally request that the Office of Superintendent of Public Instruction review and investigate concerns involving the Sequim School District’s Mock Trial program and the district’s handling of those concerns.

Specifically, I have reason to be concerned about the potential for inappropriate boundaries between adult advisors associated with the Mock Trial program and students participating in that program. Based on publicly observed events and the involvement of advisors in related public matters, there is a reasonable question as to whether students may have been influenced, directed, or otherwise drawn into situations that extend beyond appropriate educational and mentorship roles.

Given the nature of these concerns, I submitted a formal letter to the Sequim School Board and Superintendent on April 9, 2026, requesting that the district conduct an internal investigation into possible boundary violations and clarify the role of program advisors. To date, I have received no response from the district acknowledging or addressing these concerns.

This lack of response is particularly troubling in light of the Sequim School District’s documented history of administrative failures involving misconduct, retaliation, and lack of transparency. As has been reported in recent investigative journalism, the district has, over a period of more than two decades, been involved in multiple incidents resulting in significant legal settlements, public records violations, and findings of inadequate oversight. While each case is distinct, the pattern raises legitimate concerns about whether internal processes alone are sufficient to ensure accountability in this matter.

I am not asserting a definitive conclusion regarding misconduct in the Mock Trial program. However, the circumstances, combined with the district’s failure to respond to a formal request for review, warrant independent oversight.

Accordingly, I respectfully request that OSPI:

• Review the concerns raised regarding potential boundary violations between Mock Trial advisors and students

• Determine whether the Sequim School District has followed appropriate policies and procedures in addressing or failing to address these concerns

• Assess whether additional investigation, guidance, or corrective action is necessary to ensure student protection and appropriate staff conduct

Students should not be placed—directly or indirectly—in situations where educational authority intersects with personal, political, or external influence. When concerns of this nature are raised, they should be addressed promptly and transparently.

Thank you for your attention to this matter. I am available to provide additional information or documentation as needed.

Sincerely,
Jeff Tozzer

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Less than two years after entering a “co-management” agreement, the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe is now pursuing full ownership of the Dungeness and Protection Island National Wildlife Refuges—and days from now, Sequim’s City Council is preparing to support it. It’s time to examine what that shift means for public land, political influence, and who our elected officials are really representing.

From Partnership to Transfer

On March 23, the Sequim City Council is poised to send a letter to Representative Emily Randall and Senator Maria Cantwell supporting the “Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe Land Transfer Act of 2026.”

The proposal would transfer federal wildlife refuge land—currently held for the benefit of all Americans—to the Bureau of Indian Affairs, to be held in trust for the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe.

Less than two years ago, the Tribe entered into a co-management agreement for these refuges. Now, the goal is no longer shared stewardship—it is full ownership.

That is not a small step. It is a fundamental shift.

Who Do Our Representatives Represent?

The officials advancing this—Sequim City Council, members of this congressional district, and statewide elected leaders—were chosen to represent the public.

Yet here they are, supporting the transfer of a national public asset to a sovereign nation.

That raises a basic but unavoidable question:

Who is being represented in this decision—the public, or a separate sovereign government?

A Major Step for “Land Back”

This proposal reflects a broader and increasingly visible movement: Land Back—the transfer of public lands into tribal ownership.

Sequim’s own “Statement of Co-Existence and Government-to-Government Relationship” makes clear how this moment developed. The City explicitly recognizes itself and the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe as “two sovereigns” committed to shared stewardship.

Now, that relationship is evolving into something more permanent—and more consequential.

The City’s letter states it supports “restoring Tribal homelands.”

But that raises another question:

How much land qualifies as “homeland”?

And where does that process stop?

Competing Interests on Public Land

At the same time this transfer is being pursued, the Jamestown Corporation is preparing a 50-acre commercial, non-native oyster operation within the refuge—a proposal already facing legal and permitting challenges.

If the land is transferred into tribal trust, those challenges become far easier to navigate.

Ownership changes the rules.

Contradictions in the Record

The City’s letter praises the Tribe for “reinvigorating the volunteer program.”

But less than a year ago, the Friends of the Dungeness National Wildlife Refuge reported that under new management, their services were largely no longer needed—and the long-standing volunteer board dissolved.

That contradiction deserves scrutiny.

Following the Money and Influence

Campaign finance records show:

• Jamestown CEO Ron Allen contributed $2,000 to Representative Emily Randall

• The Jamestown Tribe contributed an additional $3,500

More notably, Allen himself has openly described how tribal political influence operates. Reflecting on past elections, he explained how tribes mobilized funding and voter turnout to defeat Senator Slade Gorton and elect Maria Cantwell:

“We started generating money for her… we got our people registered… we chalked it up as an Indian victory, no question about it.”

This isn’t speculation. It’s a stated strategy—leveraging economic success into political power.

A Refuge for Wildlife—or Commerce?

The Dungeness National Wildlife Refuge was established in 1915 by President Woodrow Wilson as a protected space:

“A refuge, preserve and breeding ground for native birds.”

Today, it is home to:

• Over 250 species of birds

• 41 species of land mammals

• 8 species of marine mammals

For more than a century, it has belonged to the public—preserved, funded, and protected by generations of Americans.

Now, that same land is being considered for transfer to a sovereign entity, with active commercial aquaculture interests already in motion.

The Bigger Picture

This is not just about one refuge.

It is about precedent.

It is about whether public lands—held in trust for all Americans—can be transferred away through political alignment and quiet agreements.

And it is about whether the public has any real say before that happens.

What Happens Next

The Sequim City Council will review this letter:

City Council Meeting
📍 Civic Center, 152 W. Cedar Street
🕕 Monday, March 23, 2026 – 6:00 PM

Attend in person, join online, or call in. Click here for instructions.

Submit written comments: clerk@sequimwa.gov

Take Action

If you believe public lands should remain public, now is the time to speak.

• Email Representative Emily Randall here.

• Email Senator Maria Cantwell here.

• Contact the Clallam County Commissioners and ask them to oppose this transfer with a letter of support from the citizens of Clallam County, and make it clear: The refuge is not for sale. It is part of our shared national heritage. All three commissioners can be reached by contacting the Clerk of the Board at loni.gores@clallamcountywa.gov.

Talk to your neighbors. Share this information. Show up to the meeting. Send the emails.

Because once land like this is transferred, it doesn’t come back.

And decisions like this are not reversed by silence—they are shaped by the people who step forward and make themselves heard.

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Editor’s Note: Our weekly profile series investigating the League of Women Voters of Clallam County will continue next Friday.

In 2003, Jamestown S’Klallam Chairman Ron Allen sat for a landmark oral-history interview reflecting on sovereignty, self-determination, and the responsibilities of tribal governance. Twenty-three years later, Allen is the CEO of the Jamestown Corporation, the second-largest employer in Clallam County and arguably the most influential political figure in local government. Revisiting his own words provides rare clarity — and raises uncomfortable questions.

A Look Back That Explains the Present

Produced by the Institute for Tribal Government at Portland State University, the Great Tribal Leaders of Modern Times interview series was designed to preserve the oral histories of influential Native leaders. Ron Allen’s interview, conducted in June 2003, is candid, strategic, and revealing.

At the time, Allen was already a veteran tribal chairman, having assumed leadership in 1977 and overseen the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe’s restoration to federal recognition in 1981. He would go on to serve simultaneously as chairman and executive director, overseeing education, health, housing, economic development, natural resource management, and cultural affairs.

Today, Allen remains chairman — and is also CEO of the Jamestown Corporation, whose reach now extends deep into Clallam County’s economy, land use, and political decision-making.

Revisiting this interview is not about nostalgia. It is about understanding how today’s reality was intentionally built.

From “Wild Child” to Power Broker

Born in Sequim in 1947, Allen describes himself as a “wild child,” raised in a rural household by parents with strong political opinions.

“They were very avid Democrats… as loyal to the Democrat Party as you could possibly get. And when I went into college and I ended up shifting more into a Republican philosophical perspective, my mother had the hardest time with that.”

He attended Peninsula College and earned a BA in political science from the University of Washington — training that would later show clearly in his methodical approach to governance and politics.

Allen is open about his mixed heritage — roughly one-quarter S’Klallam and three-quarters European — and recounts how his fair skin often led people to question his identity.

“People were wondering about me… ‘Who’s this White guy out here? Is he really Indian?’”

He also recounts receiving a 4-F draft classification during Vietnam, avoiding military service — a decision he reflects on without apology.

Federal Recognition as the Inflection Point

One of the most consequential moments in the interview comes when Allen describes how a missing tribal ID card during a basketball tournament exposed a deeper truth:

“The BIA has decided to no longer recognize our tribe… and that’s when my whole career with the tribe emerged.”

From that moment forward, Allen became deeply involved in the federal recognition process, ultimately succeeding in 1981. That victory unlocked not just sovereignty — but leverage.

Why Jamestown Isn’t in Jamestown

Allen explains why the tribal headquarters ended up in Blyn, east of Sequim, rather than Jamestown, north of Sequim:

“Jamestown was designated a flood plain zone so you couldn’t spend federal dollars there.”

That decision — driven by federal funding rules — would later prove pivotal as the tribe acquired land, expanded enterprises, and built infrastructure far beyond its historic footprint.

When the County Finally Paid Attention

Allen is candid about how little interest Clallam County officials initially showed the Jamestown Tribe:

“County commissioners, they didn’t pay much attention to us at all… they weren’t going to pay attention to us.”

That changed after the tribe’s 1985 land settlement — and especially after the fireworks stand and later casino drew attention.

“That annoyed them… they had no control over what we did on our property.”

Today, the contrast is stark. County commissioners now openly describe the Jamestown Tribe as their most important partner, regularly aligning county policy with tribal priorities — including land acquisition and land-use decisions.

Economic Strategy — and Resentment

Allen lays out his economic philosophy plainly:

“Go slow, go after capital-intensive businesses… then step off of them to go after labor-intensive businesses.”

He acknowledges that success brought backlash:

“People started throwing rocks at us because of jealousy and envy.”

That framing — criticism as envy or racism — is notable given recent events, including Allen publicly referring to concerned Clallam County residents as whiners and complainers for questioning Jamestown-aligned policies.

Fisheries, Shellfish, and Exclusive Areas

Allen explains that Boldt was only the beginning:

“The Bolt decision dealt with only the fin fish… it did not deal with shellfish.”

Through later court rulings, tribes secured rights to 50 percent of shellfish harvests — a ruling that now underpins Jamestown’s rapid expansion of commercial shellfish operations inside the Dungeness National Wildlife Refuge, even as the Tribe simultaneously works with Congress to obtain federal control of the refuge and with Commissioner Mark Ozias to take over management of the Dungeness Recreation Area — effectively consolidating regulatory, commercial, and political control over the county’s most prized public coastline.

Allen himself describes the area inside Dungeness Spit as “very tense” — even in 2003.

Politics, Money, and Influence

Perhaps the most revealing portion of the interview concerns political funding.

Allen openly recounts how tribes mobilized money and votes to defeat Senator Slade Gorton and elect Maria Cantwell:

“We started generating money for her… we got our people registered… we chalked it up as an Indian victory, no question about it.”

He describes this as a turning point — tribes becoming sophisticated political players, leveraging economic success into electoral power.

That strategy did not stop at the federal level.

Today, Jamestown Corporation campaign contributions and endorsements play a decisive role in local races — particularly county commissioner elections — raising unavoidable questions about independence, accountability, and influence.

Words Versus Actions on Accountability

One quote from 2003 stands out in light of recent history:

“If you make a mistake, then you own up to it. It’s your fault, nobody else’s.”

That statement sits uneasily beside the Jamestown Corporation’s intentional early breach of the Dungeness River dike, an action that tribal staff themselves warned could cause mass casualties. The breach closed Towne Road for two years, and cost taxpayers millions — with no clear acceptance of responsibility matching Allen’s stated philosophy.

Shaping Minds, Shaping Narratives

Allen is explicit about long-term strategy:

“You change a society… at the younger level. You use the media… every form of media.”

Education, curriculum influence, messaging, and strategic outreach are not incidental — they are central. The Jamestown Tribe is actively promoting curriculum proposals for adoption within the Sequim School District.

Why This Interview Matters Now

This 2003 interview is not a relic. It is a blueprint.

Ron Allen’s own words explain how Jamestown became powerful, how political influence was intentionally built, and how criticism has long been framed as hostility or racism rather than legitimate civic concern.

Understanding this history does not require hostility toward tribal sovereignty. It requires honesty.

And it requires asking whether the standards Allen articulated for governance — accountability, transparency, ownership of mistakes — are being applied today.

Readers are strongly encouraged to watch the full interview or read the transcript.

It is rare to hear a local power structure explain itself so clearly — in its own words.

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For two years, Clallam County residents have asked their commissioners to address a basic fairness issue: why some of the county’s largest lodging operators do not pay property or lodging taxes like everyone else. It took the Board eight months to send a single letter, which has now been ignored for five — with no follow-up, urgency, or transparency. Meanwhile, discussions about transferring management of a cherished county park to one commissioner’s largest campaign donor moved quickly and quietly, outside public view. That contrast is not accidental. It reflects priorities — and the public is not first.

The Copy-and-Paste Response

After news broke that Commissioner Mark Ozias had “quiet” discussions with the Jamestown Corporation about taking over the Dungeness Recreation Area, residents did what citizens are supposed to do: they contacted their elected officials.

At least 15 constituents received the exact same copy-and-paste response from Commissioner Ozias — a long, generic essay on county finances that avoided the central issue entirely: Why was a conversation about transferring control of a county park conducted privately with a major campaign donor before the public knew anything about it?

Commissioner Ozias’ letter opens broadly, listing nearly every function of county government, as if volume alone could substitute for accountability:

“County government encompasses a broad range of mandated functions ranging from the courts, to the Sheriff’s Department and jail…”

None of that explains why the public was excluded from discussions about a specific, irreplaceable public asset.

Slow Walking the Public — Fast Walking the Donor

Here is the contrast the Board does not want discussed.

January (a year ago):
After repeated public requests, the commissioners began discussing whether to send a letter to the Jamestown Tribe asking for a conversation about property tax and lodging tax equity — contributions paid by nearly every other resident and business in Clallam County.

August (eight months later):
The letter is finally sent requesting a discussion.

Five months after that:
The Tribe has ignored the letter. The commissioners have sent no follow-up. No urgency. No public pressure. No explanation.

Contrast that with what did move quickly.

A private email exchange between Commissioner Ozias and Ron Allen, the commissioner’s largest campaign donor and CEO of Jamestown Corporation, discussed Jamestown’s interest in “taking over” the Dungeness Recreation Area County Park — before any public process began.

That discussion didn’t stall for eight months. It didn’t wait for public input. It didn’t require follow-up letters.

It happened quietly.

“I Believe It Is Worth Having” — Says Who?

Commissioner Ozias’s form letter attempts to reframe the issue as harmless brainstorming:

“My conversation with Chairman Allen has centered on encouraging our relevant parks staff members to get together to think more broadly about what partnership opportunities might exist…”

But this wasn’t a hypothetical policy discussion. It involved:

• A specific county park

• A specific sovereign corporation

• A specific political donor

• And a specific loss of public control

Commissioner Ozias admits he deliberately avoided public process:

“I have not brought this concept forward to a work session yet…”

That is not transparency. That is an intentional delay of public oversight.

The Lodging Tax Hypocrisy

In his monthly Gazette column, Commissioner Ozias recently emphasized the importance of the lodging tax as essential county revenue.

What the public is not told:

• Jamestown Corporation operates a 100-room hotel in Blyn that does not collect or remit the tax

• A 200-room expansion is planned

• Jamestown leadership has advocated for the demolition of a competing Port Angeles hotel that does generate lodging tax revenue

When the public asks for accountability on taxes, the Board moves at a glacial pace.
When a donor wants to discuss control of public land, doors open quietly.

It Isn’t Their Park

The Dungeness Recreation Area was not gifted to the commissioners.

Taxpayers:

• Built the roads

• Paid for the campsites

• Funded the staffing

• Maintain the facilities

• Receive discounted access in return

This park is not surplus property. It is not expendable. And it is not the commissioners’ to barter away in private conversations.

Commissioner Ozias writes:

“I do not know where this conversation may lead, but I believe it is worth having.”

What he never explains is why the public didn’t get to decide whether the conversation was worth having at all.

Who Are They Working For?

That is the unavoidable question.

Why does a tax-equity letter amid a budget deficit take eight months — and no follow-up?
Why does a donor-initiated park discussion move quietly and quickly?
Why does “public process” appear only after the public finds out?

The answer is not budget pressure.
It is priority.

And the priorities of this Board — Mark Ozias, Mike French, and Randy Johnson — are now unmistakably clear.

Public land belongs to the public.
Not to commissioners.
Not to donors.
Not to quiet conversations.

And the longer this Board pretends otherwise, the deeper the breach of public trust becomes.

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Commissioner Ozias’s form letter

Thank you for writing.

County government encompasses a broad range of mandated functions ranging from the courts, to the Sheriff’s Department and jail, to prosecuting local and state crimes, to juvenile services and detention, to property assessment and tax collection on behalf of the state, to managing elections, to licensing vehicles, to land use planning and permitting, to roads and bridges, to habitat restoration and environmental monitoring, to public health, and more. Every elected official has a broad range of statutory obligations, and administrative services like IT and Human Resources are required to support this work.

County government also includes a variety of non-mandated functions that nevertheless are vital to the community and well-being of its citizens. This would include the county fair, the Olympic Discovery Trail, the 4H and Master Gardener programs, and a park system.

Property tax is the primary funding source for counties, and with our ability to raise property taxes by only 1% each year we are unable to keep up with inflation. This is particularly true given that several mandatory costs are escalating at a much higher rate than 1%. Our liability insurance premium increase alone has exceeded the additional 1% property tax revenue amount the last couple of years. New court-mandated caseload standards for public defenders will triple this cost within the decade. Hiring competition for corrections staff, road deputies and prosecutors has created significant wage inflation in these areas.

Of course, even if we were able to raise property taxes by more than 1% each year it is clear that many people in our county cannot afford and do not wish to pay additional property taxes and they told us so with a strong voice when we went to the voters and asked for an increase last November.

The past two years we have been working to reduce costs and find efficiencies throughout the organization. We have reduced staffing across multiple departments; we reduced redundancy by creating a single health care team for both the adult jail and juvenile detention facilities; we are improving building efficiency and we will continue the effort to do more with less.

We are also working to identify new sources of non-local tax revenue. For example, we were the first jail in the state to take advantage of a change in law which now allows us to bill Medicaid for some health care services provided in our detention facilities, rather than that cost being borne by local taxpayers. This effort is expected to offset $800,000 worth of expense this year.

What all this means is that unless there is some kind of structural change in how the state funds counties, we will all (not just Clallam County) be looking for ways to reduce non-mandatory expenses every year moving forward. So far we have been able to focus on cuts, efficiencies and some new revenue but this will not be enough moving forward.

As you may know, the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe has recently worked with the federal government to become co-managers of the Dungeness Wildlife Refuge, which is accessed via our county park. Because we are already working closely with them to coordinate planning and infrastructure investments in this area, my conversation with Chairman Allen has centered on encouraging our relevant parks staff members to get together to think more broadly about what partnership opportunities might exist that we haven’t considered. To see if we have any shared interests or priorities that we haven’t discussed or discovered. I am aware that many other counties around the county are successfully entering into co-management agreements with their local Tribal governments for county parks as they too look to reduce expenses while maintaining facilities.

I do not know where this conversation may lead, but I believe it is worth having. I have not brought this concept forward to a work session yet as my hope was to facilitate that staff-level meeting first to explore ideas to bring to the table for vetting and feedback from the other Commissioners and the public. In any possible arrangement, I would prioritize maintaining or improving public access, maintaining or improving camping and other facilities and payment into the lodging tax system at a minimum. Of course the county would need to recognize a significant and ongoing cost savings or no partnership makes sense.

This is one of many difficult conversations we can expect over the coming years, but I am looking for a win-win. If there appears to be enough common ground for us to move forward with a discussion at a work session that would be the very first step in a long process should any actual changes be contemplated. The other Commissioners might listen to the ideas and tell me I’m barking up the wrong tree. If not, next steps might include anything ranging from additional staff-level meetings, to more nuanced financial analysis projecting anticipated actual costs for this park moving forward, to community meetings, etc. in order to determine next steps. Under any circumstance, there will be ample information shared with the public and ample time and opportunity for the public to weigh in.

Please forgive me if any of the information I provided above seemed obvious or redundant; I am attempting to provide as much context and information as possible so that you are fully-informed.

Sincerely,

Mark Ozias

Clallam County Commissioner

The Sequim Police Department provides this update on the investigation into the tragic incident that occurred on Tuesday, May 6, in the 500 block of West Washington Street, related to the death of Richard Madeo. After the diligent work of our detectives and in collaboration with the Special Investigations Unit in King County, and the King County Medical Examiner, Aaron Fisher, a 36-year-old resident of Jefferson County, has been arrested and charged with murder.

Detectives have been conducting follow-up interviews and analyzing crucial video evidence. We recently received a report from the King County Medical Examiner's Office, which confirms that the manner of death was homicide. Fisher was originally apprehended at the scene and charged with Assault in the Second Degree. Following the victim’s unfortunate passing, the case was forwarded for further evaluation and charging by the Clallam County Prosecutor’s Office.

On July 23, the Clallam County Superior Court issued a warrant for Fisher's arrest. City of Sequim officers, along with the Special Investigations Unit, a multi-agency collaboration within the Kent Valley area of King County, swiftly moved to apprehend Fisher at a residence in the SeaTac area. He was safely taken into custody and booked into the King County Jail before being transported to Clallam County for arraignment in Superior Court and placement in custody at the Clallam County Correctional Facility.

We extend our deepest condolences and sympathies to the family and loved ones of Richard Madeo during this incredibly difficult time. Our department is committed and dedicated to upholding the safety and security of our community. We sincerely appreciate your patience and support as we continue our thorough investigation into this tragic event.

We urge anyone with information that may aid in this investigation to reach out to the Sequim Police Department at (360) 683-7227 or ContactSPD@sequimwa.gov.

From Richard Madeo’s niece, Ellie

On behalf of our family, I want to extend my deepest gratitude to the Sequim Police Department, the Special Investigations Unit in King County, the King County Medical Examiner’s Office, and the Clallam County Prosecutor’s Office for their tireless work and dedication in the investigation of my uncle, Richard Madeo’s, tragic death.

We know that these cases are not easy and that justice doesn’t happen overnight. Your persistence in seeking the truth, gathering evidence, and ensuring that the person responsible was held accountable means more to us than words can express. Thanks to your professionalism and commitment, we are one step closer to justice for Rich.

We are especially grateful to the detectives who conducted follow-up interviews and analyzed critical video evidence, and to all officers who participated in the safe apprehension of the suspect. Your collaboration and determination have not gone unnoticed, and it brings comfort to our family to know that Richard’s life mattered — and that his voice was heard through your efforts.

Thank you again for your compassion, your strength, and your unwavering commitment to justice. Our hearts are heavy, but we find solace in knowing there are people like you fighting for what’s right.

A city-approved protest of 2,000 people is happening in Sequim tomorrow—yet no one was told.

The permitting process exists not only to grant official permission for events but also to ensure the public is informed and prepared. It provides municipalities with an opportunity to alert residents, businesses, and visitors that activity is planned in their community.

Tomorrow—Saturday, June 14—the City of Sequim has issued a permit for a protest expected to draw approximately 2,000 participants.

The application was submitted by a Port Angeles resident on behalf of Indivisible Sequim. However, despite the scale of the event, and the decision being made 10 days ago, there has been no public notice in local newspapers, no coverage from radio stations, and no update on the City of Sequim’s official news webpage.

The permit application indicates that no notification was provided to nearby businesses, and while it mentions that around 20 volunteers will assist with traffic crossings, there is no mention of coordination with the Sequim Police Department or other public safety support.

There is also no information on where the estimated 2,000 attendees will park, or what restroom facilities—if any—will be available to them. With large national retailers like Walmart and Home Depot in the immediate area, this raises concerns about unplanned strain on private parking lots and restrooms, especially for businesses that were never formally notified.

Yesterday, a resident spoke with customer service representatives at Home Depot, who were unaware of the upcoming event. They expressed genuine appreciation for the heads-up.

This raises an important question: what is the purpose of granting a permit if the broader community remains uninformed and unprepared?

For those planning to visit Sequim’s west end tomorrow—particularly the intersection of Priest Road and Washington Street (home to Home Depot, Walmart, First Federal Bank, and more)—please be advised: an organized protest will take place from 12:00 PM to 2:00 PM. Expect congestion, possible delays, and a large pedestrian presence.

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No Kings Day Protest Saturday 6 14 25

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A wildlife group once fiercely opposed a tribal oyster farm inside a protected refuge. Now they’re silent — even as the Tribe takes over management. What changed? A banquet, a lawsuit, and a big shift in tone may hold the clues.

In 2021, the Friends of Dungeness National Wildlife Refuge (FODNWR) voiced serious concerns about a proposed oyster farm backed by the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe. The group warned that the project posed risks to migratory birds, eelgrass beds, and the federally protected refuge itself.

Summer2021 Brant (1)

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Four years later, the Friends’ public stance has shifted dramatically. Their recent newsletters suggest a more supportive view of the Tribe’s involvement with the refuge — calling the transfer of management a “historic agreement” that the president was “honored” to attend.

What prompted the shift? That remains unclear.

While opinions can evolve, such a sharp change — especially one without any public explanation — raises questions, particularly when viewed alongside recent legal developments and evolving relationships.

Then: Warnings and alarm bells

In its Summer 2021 newsletter, FODNWR detailed a range of objections to the Tribe’s oyster project. The proposed aquaculture operation, which included 80,000 oyster bags and motorized boats traversing protected waters, was described as potentially “calamitous” to birds and habitat. The group encouraged members to contact the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS) and oppose the plan, citing incompatibility with the refuge’s conservation mission.

They expressed concern that human activity — including lights, noise, and boat traffic — during critical seasonal closures would disrupt the sensitive ecosystem Dungeness is meant to protect.

Now: A shift in tone — but not in transparency

In more recent publications, FODNWR has acknowledged the Tribe’s increasing role in refuge affairs, but with a noticeably different tone. In its Summer 2023 newsletter, the group noted that Jamestown might play a role in managing the refuge — without any of the past environmental reservations.

That change coincided with a new venue for their annual Volunteer Appreciation Banquet: the Cedars at Dungeness golf course, owned and operated by the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe.

The timing may be coincidental. There’s no suggestion of impropriety. But for some longtime observers, the banquet’s location and the group’s silence on an ongoing federal lawsuit involving the Tribe raise questions about how — and why — the Friends have reframed their position.

Legal challenges proceed without the Tribe in the room

The core legal dispute hasn’t gone away. In fact, it intensified this month.

On May 15, 2025, a federal district court ruled that a lawsuit brought by several environmental groups against the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service could proceed. The issue: the agency allowed the Jamestown Tribe to begin planting oysters in the refuge without completing a required compatibility determination, as mandated by the National Wildlife Refuge System Administration Act.

The Tribe is not a direct party in the case. Because of sovereign immunity, they cannot be compelled to participate — and their attorneys have cited that sovereignty as a reason for declining to appear in court.

A line from their legal filing stood out to some readers:

“Without the farm the Tribe also cannot meet its goal to become independent from the federal government, which is key to its sovereign status.”

The filing didn’t say exactly when the sovereign nation will complete its goal of becoming independent from the federal government. The court, however, did not accept the Tribe’s argument that the case should be dismissed due to its absence. In a straightforward ruling, the judge stated:

“Therefore, it is hereby ORDERED that Jamestown’s motion to dismiss, Dkt. 44, is DENIED.”

According to Turtle Talk, a respected Native law blog, the court found that the lawsuit is about whether the federal government followed its own environmental laws — not about challenging tribal sovereignty directly.

A public resource, a private shift

What remains unanswered is why FODNWR, once so vocal in defense of the refuge, has chosen not to publicly comment on the legal proceedings or its evolving relationship with the Tribe.

The refuge itself — home to tens of thousands of shorebirds and a critical stopover in the Pacific Flyway — belongs to the public. It is protected under federal law, and any changes to its use or management deserve a robust and open public process.

While partnerships between tribes and federal agencies can offer meaningful stewardship opportunities, clarity is crucial — especially when the same partners also operate commercial enterprises within the refuge’s boundaries.

An unexpected end

In a final twist, the Friends of Dungeness National Wildlife Refuge — once a leading voice in protecting the refuge — quietly announced their dissolution on May 8, 2025.

“Last Fall, the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe assumed management of the Dungeness NWR and Protection Island NWR... As a result, this new management no longer needed most of the services that the Friends offer.”

After exploring a pivot toward supporting other refuges in the complex — like the San Juan Islands NWR — the group said that effort “proved unsuccessful.” The board has now dissolved the nonprofit and will donate its remaining assets to the Friends of Olympic National Park.

There was no mention of the lawsuit, the reversal of position on the oyster project, or the broader implications of handing refuge management to a non-federal entity.

For longtime members and the public who followed the group’s journey from advocacy to apparent alignment, the closure may leave more questions than answers.

What to Watch Next

• Will USFWS disclose the terms of any management discussions with the Tribe?

• Will the dissolved FODNWR share why it shifted positions — or whether members were consulted?

• Will courts compel a formal environmental review of the oyster operation before it expands further?

The public deserves a full picture — not just snippets in newsletters or glimpses through court filings.

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For Those Seeking Answers

📞 Contact USFWS to inquire about the refuge’s future management:
fw1wamaritime@fws.gov | (360) 457-8451

🔍 Follow the Lawsuit and support transparency through:
www.protectpeninsulasfuture.org

Richard Madeo brought beauty to Sequim with his one-of-a-kind woodworking—but when he was fatally assaulted, the silence from police, press, and public officials was deafening. Why did it take six days to alert the community? Why was the judge so quick to release the suspect? And why are local media outlets begging for donations while refusing to report the stories that matter? This isn’t just about one death. It’s about a community losing trust—and demanding answers.

“Everything I design is an experiment… I love to create the unusual. The one-of-a-kind pieces that no one else can dream of (except for me!)”

Those were the words of Richard Madeo, a talented woodworking artist whose work was recently featured at Le Petite Maison Blanche, a boutique in downtown Sequim. Just days after being celebrated for his one-of-a-kind craftsmanship, Richard Madeo was assaulted outside the Sequim Safeway gas station. He later died from his injuries.

He was a master finish carpenter. A creator. A contributor to Sequim’s First Friday Art Walk. A community presence. And now, a casualty of a system that appears increasingly indifferent to the people it's supposed to protect.

But Richard Madeo didn’t just die. He was failed—by law enforcement delays, media silence, and a judicial system whose decisions defy public confidence.

A death, and then nothing

For six days after Madeo was attacked, not a single news outlet reported on it. No press release. No appeal for witnesses. No official word to the public. Just silence—until a local blog broke the story, finally putting into words what much of the Sequim community was already whispering about.

Only after an online watchdog published its report did the Sequim Police Department issue a press release requesting witness assistance. By then, nearly a full week had passed. Security footage did not clearly show the punch that led to Madeo’s death. Eyewitness accounts could have been critical. But how many potential witnesses might have come forward had they known, in those crucial early days, that their memory mattered?

A platform that stayed quiet

What deepens this story is the fact that the suspect’s father is reportedly longtime KONP radio personality, Pepper Fisher. As speculation swirled online about a family connection, the silence from KONP was deafening. The station made no community appeal for information and no plea for assistance in an assault case that had left a local artist dead.

KONP finally acknowledged the story online—six days later, at 11 p.m., 17 hours after the story broke on Tuesday. Even then, their coverage omitted key details, such as the suspect’s own admission, according to the Peninsula Daily News:

“I mean, I’ve been in a hundred fights. I know where, I mean. It was self-defense.”

That quote from court documents was left out of KONP’s coverage. So was any genuine challenge to the narrative being shaped by the suspect’s own account, which claimed the 36-year-old was defending himself against a 70-year-old Madeo.

KONP knows how to report news. This unrelated article from 2022, written by Pepper Fisher, included photos of the suspect and was published one day after the suspect’s mother was found murdered in her home.

The media protects itself. Not the public.

The Peninsula Daily News and the Sequim Gazette—both owned by Sound Publishing—only covered the story after a local blogger forced their hand. The Gazette did not even print it in this week’s physical edition. Worse still, when a community member asked publicly why the PDN hadn't reported on Madeo’s death, they were banned from the paper’s Facebook page.

This is not journalism. It is damage control. And it’s happening at a time when those same papers are begging the public for donations to stay afloat.

Meanwhile, Clallam County Commissioner Mark Ozias has floated the idea of using public tax dollars to subsidize legacy media, presumably in the name of preserving local journalism. But how can we justify funding institutions that refuse to report the stories that matter to the public?

Two systems of justice?

Compare this case to another recent crime in Sequim:

• A man was arrested in connection with a scam that stole $125,000 from a 71-year-old woman. His bail? $2 million.

• In Madeo’s case, the suspect was exonerated and released. Bail? $50,000—in a death investigation.

The man accused in Madeo’s death, Aaron Fisher, has a long criminal record spanning nearly two decades and multiple counties: King, Clallam, Jefferson, Pierce, Thurston, Kitsap, Yakima, and more. Cases for drugs, theft, assault, domestic violence, and traffic violations pile up like a rap sheet wallpaper.

And yet, Superior Court Judge Elizabeth Stanley—newly elected in an uncontested race—granted release without bail after Fisher claimed self-defense.

Stanley, who was appointed Family Court Commissioner before becoming judge, inherited her current position without facing a single opponent. That is how decisions are being made in Clallam County’s courts: quietly, unopposed, and now under scrutiny.

Patterns

Richard Madeo loved patterns—the lines, curves, and shapes that come together to form beauty and structure in nature. But the pattern we are seeing in Clallam County is far more disturbing.

A man dies.
Law enforcement delays alerting the public.
The media ignores it.
The courts downplay it.
And the people asking questions? Silenced or banned.

This isn’t about one tragic death. It’s about the growing sense that the systems we trust are no longer operating in our best interest.

Richard Madeo created pieces that no one else could dream of. He gave Sequim beauty and character. And when he was taken from us, the institutions that should have sounded the alarm responded with silence, dismissal, and omission.

If we allow that to become the pattern—then justice, like Richard, will disappear without a trace.

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While Sequim grieved a fatal assault, local media stayed silent — choosing ceremony over accountability.

In the midst of Sequim’s 130th Irrigation Festival, something terrible happened, and everyone is talking about it except local media outlets.

An elderly man, reportedly recovering from heart surgery and facing mobility challenges, was violently assaulted in broad daylight at the Safeway gas station on West Washington Street. Days later, he died from his injuries. The suspect, a 36-year-old man with an alleged long history of violence and drug use, was arrested — and then quietly released.

You won’t find any of this in the Sequim Gazette, the Peninsula Daily News, KSQM, or KONP. This story — like so many now — unfolded not in print or over the airwaves, but in Facebook comment threads, neighborhood group chats, and teary pleas from family members on social media.

“My neighbor was attacked in the Safeway plaza yesterday,” one post read.

“A very kind and loving individual,” continued the same neighbor, explaining that the victim had mobility issues.

“He resides in PT [Port Townsend], originally from west Seattle,” said the victim’s niece about the attacker.

“He has a long history of violence,” wrote a local resident.

The details emerged in fragments. The community pieced together the story, desperate for facts. The attack didn’t appear to be a robbery — the victim’s wallet was found.

The motive, many speculated, was rooted in untreated mental illness and a long pattern of violent behavior.

Clallam County booking logs confirmed the identity of the attacker: Aaron Charles Fisher, 36. Bail was set.

Fisher appeared before a judge in Clallam County on Friday, May 9, and was released the same day.

Still, no headlines. No investigative reporting. No updates from the courthouse. No statement from police. Just silence from the traditional institutions we once counted on to inform us.

This isn’t the Sequim of old

Sequim has quietly entered a new era — one marked by increasing crime, rising tensions, and a growing disconnect between residents and those tasked with keeping them informed. The image of our town as a peaceful, tight-knit, rural community is no longer matching the reality. And yet, our media continues to report on flower beds, school assemblies, and park upgrades while neighbors mourn and ask why.

Who was the victim? How long had he lived here? What kind of neighbor and uncle was he? What kind of life was stolen from this community?

We don't know. Because no one in local media has asked.

The Sequim Gazette was published the day after the assault on Wednesday, May 7. The issue likely went to print before the attack — understandable. But the Gazette has the ability to break news on its website. It didn’t. Neither did KSQM. Neither did KONP. The Peninsula Daily News missed it Thursday and Friday. Instead, readers were treated to stories about beauty bark in Port Angeles and Chimacum students learning about anatomy. The weekend edition’s highlight? A slide at a county park.

And finally, on Monday — five days after the assault, four after the victim’s death, and three after the suspect’s release — the Peninsula Daily News did break a front-page story.

But it wasn’t about the murder.

It was about Jamestown S’Klallam Tribal Chairman and CEO Ron Allen being inducted into the Native American Hall of Fame.

That’s the story on the front page six days later. Not the man who was beaten to death in broad daylight in the heart of Sequim. Not the attacker who walked free. Not the community shaken and left in the dark. A public relations victory for a powerful local figure made the front page — the loss of a vulnerable resident did not.

A deafening silence

We don’t expect small-town newspapers to operate like big-city newsrooms. But we do expect them to show up when it matters. When a community member is assaulted and dies from his injuries, we expect coverage. When the accused is released within days, we expect someone to ask why. We expect follow-ups, public records requests, and basic accountability. What we got was silence — and that silence speaks louder than any headline ever could.

Clallam County is changing. And while our towns confront new and uncomfortable realities, the local institutions meant to keep us informed seem frozen in place — clinging to feel-good stories while ignoring the harder truths unraveling around us.

But people are waking up.

Manning the Clallam County Watchdog booth during the Sequim Logging Show was both encouraging and heartbreaking. I met people I’ve known online for months, and new people stopped by the booth curious, skeptical, and frankly disillusioned:

“News doesn’t cover anything anymore.”
“We can’t afford it here.”
“We’re listing our house this year.”
“It’s time to get out.”
“I don’t feel safe anymore.”

For someone whose roots in this county go back to the 1870s, those words hit hard. This is my hometown. And I barely recognize what it’s becoming.

Clallam County Watchdog — an independent investigative platform — has seen a surge in subscribers. Its recent piece, The Death Rattle, puts into words what many feel: that trust in our local media is dying. And when truth is no longer delivered from a newsroom, it has to come from the people.

But it shouldn’t take tragedy to wake us up.

Sequim has entered a new era — one of higher stakes, tougher questions, and fewer places to hide from reality. If our newsrooms can’t rise to meet this moment, they will fade into irrelevance. And the community will turn elsewhere — as it already is — for the truth.

Because in the end, the front page says everything. Not just about what happened — but about what was deliberately left out.

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Feel Good Fridays

Highlighting the good in our community is important, but here’s the challenge: the people and organizations doing the most meaningful work are often the least likely to seek recognition. Their humility makes them hard to track down — and even harder to interview. Because of this, Feel Good Fridays may go on hiatus unless we hear more stories directly from you.

If you know someone quietly making a difference in Clallam County, please reach out. CC Watchdog is always open to telling stories that deserve to be told.

Sequim Mayor Brandon Janisse has pledged impartial leadership—but a trail of emails and texts reveal a different reality. From guiding policy and city staffing decisions to influencing controversial council votes, longtime political organizer Dale Jarvis appears to wield a quiet but powerful influence behind the scenes. Emails, advice, and actions suggest Sequim’s highest office may not be acting as independently as the public believes.

It started innocently enough. A call for help in November of 2022 from someone who had been elected to public office on the Sequim City Council.

What is some advice, tips, comments you would give a newly elected individual, or someone who was chosen to fill an empty seat, that has to do with how elected officials deal with the public?

The question came from Brandon Janisse, a candidate endorsed by the Sequim Good Governance League (SGGL). It was sent from his official city email. The answer was thoughtful and extensive—laying out a vision of public service grounded in transparency, integrity, and an impartial commitment to all constituents. It emphasized that elected leaders must listen, collaborate, and lead with fairness.

But the authors of that advice were not fellow public servants or municipal mentors. The response came from two private citizens—Dale Jarvis and Chris Walker, members of SGGL.

What followed was more than just friendly advice. A trove of emails and texts exchanged between Janisse—now the Mayor of Sequim—and Jarvis suggests that what began as mentorship quickly evolved into something more concerning: an active and ongoing relationship in which a private citizen regularly advises, critiques, and in some cases appears to direct mayoral decision-making. The implications for transparency and impartial governance are significant.

The oath of office: more than symbolic

Every elected official swears an oath. In Washington State, that includes a solemn promise to "faithfully and impartially discharge the duties of the office." The oath exists to remind public servants that their loyalty is not to individuals or groups, but to the entire community—regardless of political alliance or personal affiliation.

Mayor Janisse, in repeatedly seeking and acting upon Dale Jarvis's input on policy matters, appears to have blurred that line. And in doing so, he may have violated more than just the spirit of his oath.

Jarvis is not just a concerned constituent—he is a founder of SGGL, a political organization that has actively recruited, supported, and now advises Sequim City Council candidates. His emails to Janisse are frequent and directive. He offers his own interpretations of legal advice, suggests specific policy changes, and urges action on timelines to benefit causes he supports—like fast-tracking multi-family housing code changes to support a Habitat for Humanity project.

In one such exchange, Jarvis writes: "My request is for the city council to take action this evening to make up for the lost time in whatever way you think is most appropriate." Janisse responds affirmatively, suggesting the council bypass normal procedures: "Unless required by RCW for some reason, I think we could waive council rules... Let me know your thoughts."

This pattern repeats itself again and again. Jarvis provides information, interpretations, and even draft language. Janisse receives, agrees, and acts.

Advising on personnel matters

Jarvis doesn’t just push policy or influence Janisse’s legislative decisions—he also guides him on sensitive internal personnel issues within City Hall.

Two months ago, Jarvis sent the following message to Janisse:

Good morning Brandon.
I have recently had text communication with Lindsey Sehmel, the recently departed DCD Director, that I want to bring to your attention. Attached is a screenshot of the email that Lindsey sent to members of the Sequim Planning Commission and is something that I understand has NOT been brought to the attention of any city councilors.
The context is that Lindsey texted me last week about wanting to speak with me and I learned that it had to do with her resignation.
When she sent me the text in the attached screenshot, she said that she was willing to speak with city councilors if you wanted to hear about her frustration and decision to
leave and to know “what kind of culture and challenges are internal.”
It’s important to note that I have NO firsthand knowledge of any of this.

The concern here is not just that Jarvis is acting as a messenger, but that he is positioning himself as a broker of internal grievances—guiding how the mayor receives and potentially acts upon sensitive employee matters. This isn’t casual citizen engagement. It’s behind-the-scenes involvement in internal city operations, far beyond what is appropriate for a private citizen—especially one who openly acknowledges he has no firsthand knowledge of the issues he’s relaying.

Sequim School bond

The influence of Dale Jarvis extends beyond policy and personnel—it reaches into the realm of political advocacy, blurring the lines between civic engagement and partisan campaigning.

In early 2025, the Sequim School District proposed two ballot measures: a replacement Educational Programs and Operations (EP&O) levy and a substantial $145.95 million bond. Dale Jarvis, alongside Secretary of the League of Women Voters Susan Fisch, authored the "for" argument in the official voter’s pamphlet, advocating for the passage of the levy.

In an unprecedented move, the Sequim City Council convened a special meeting on January 22, 2025, to consider endorsing the school district's ballot measures. This meeting was scheduled hastily, with limited public notice, before voters had received their ballots. At the meeting, Mayor Janisse joined councilmembers Vicki Lowe and Dan Butler in voting to suspend rules that prohibited the council from considering requests to support or oppose ballot measures.

During the meeting, all eight public commenters, including school officials and community members, urged the council to support the ballot measures. Notably, Dale Jarvis was among those who provided public comment, advocating for the council to endorse the measures.

The council voted unanimously to submit a letter of support for the Sequim School District's ballot measures. However, the process raised questions about transparency and adherence to established procedures. Critics argue that the council's actions may have violated state law and eroded public trust.

A citizen or a “shadow mayor?”

This is not simply a case of an involved citizen sharing views with a local official. That is not only permitted—it is encouraged in a democracy. But the regularity, depth, and tone of Jarvis’s communications suggest a dynamic more akin to that of a senior advisor, if not a behind-the-scenes operator.

Jarvis refers to legal interpretations with authority, despite disclaiming that he is not a lawyer. In one exchange about Career Technical Education (CTE) funding, Jarvis analyzes municipal finance regulations and offers Janisse his “simple translation” of a Washington State Auditor’s opinion, stating: "This is exactly what we are looking at." Janisse later follows up by asking, “Any comments on tomorrow night’s topic?”

The emails make clear that Janisse isn’t just receiving outside input—he is seeking it, relying on it, and in some cases, shaping city policy around it.

The quiet power of SGGL

SGGL’s mission, on the surface, is to promote transparency and good governance. But its actions—and particularly those of Jarvis—suggest a different focus: influence.

Every time Jarvis signs an email with his SGGL affiliation, he is speaking not only as a citizen, but as a representative of a special interest political organization. And when that organization’s leadership is regularly consulted on decisions ranging from council rules to funding allocations, the line between civic engagement and policy manipulation becomes dangerously thin.

The extent to which other council members are aware of or influenced by this relationship remains unclear. But what is clear is this: the voice most consistently whispering in the mayor’s ear does not belong to a fellow elected official or to the people gathered at public comment. It belongs to Dale Jarvis.

Questions that deserve answers

Is Mayor Janisse representing the public, or Dale Jarvis and SGGL?
Is Sequim’s city policy being written in public meetings—or in private emails?
And most importantly: is this what impartial governance looks like?

The residents of Sequim deserve leadership that is transparent, accountable, and faithful to its oath. Anything less undermines not just public trust—but the very foundation of representative democracy.

To review the emails and text messages between Dale Jarvis and Mayor Brandon Janisse, visit the City of Sequim’s Public Records website here.

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Last week, readers were asked who has more long-term influence over Clallam County’s future: the elected County government or the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe? Of 212 votes:

• 85% said, “Jamestown Tribe”

• 4% said, “County government”

• 7% said, “Both equally”

• 4% said, “Neither—both miss the mark”

While county leaders proclaim their commitment to dark skies and environmental protection, their actions tell a different story—one where select properties get a pass, wetlands give way to driving ranges, and homeowners on vulnerable coastlines are quietly pushed toward retreat. The growing tension between public policy, tribal partnerships, climate planning, and property rights in Clallam County is leaving people in the dark.

If you thought the Clallam County Commissioners weren’t focused on what truly matters to the 77,000 residents who live here, think again. This week, the board issued a proclamation in honor of International Dark Sky Week.

Commissioner Mike French read the proclamation aloud, noting the harmful effects of artificial light on migratory bird patterns while encouraging responsible outdoor lighting.

Meanwhile, near the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe’s Cedars at Dungeness Golf Course, the night sky is about to get a whole lot brighter. A wetland and marsh have already been graded and filled in to expand the driving range, and a series of light poles have been installed to accommodate nighttime golfing.

So, thank you, Jamestown Tribe, for shining the light—while Clallam County keeps the rest of us in the dark.

Three Crabs flooding: the letter you didn’t see

Speaking of keeping residents in the dark, homeowners along Three Crabs Road likely missed a critical letter that quietly arrived at the County last month.

Clallam County’s Marine Resources Committee (MRC)—an advisory group made up of citizens from various sectors including conservation, recreation, development, and tribal governments—offered its take on the worsening flooding situation. In its letter, the MRC urged the County Commissioners to consider “retreat or removal” of roads and homes along Three Crabs Road.

What’s not to blame for persistent flooding, according to the letter? Not the re-engineering of Meadowbrook Creek. Not the removal of an armored dike that kept the creek contained. And certainly not the multi-million-dollar restoration project championed by the County and the Tribe that residents say increased flooding.

No, the culprit is climate change.

“NASA has recently concluded that the pace of sea level rise is faster than previously thought, due to thermal expansion of the ocean’s mass,” the letter states.

And if property owners are hoping to protect their homes with bulkheads or elevated structures, the committee warns such actions would cause “significant impacts on shoreline functions and ecology.” Instead, they recommend a strategy based on education, outreach, and retreat.

They’re also pushing for a moratorium on shoreline development and septic system fortification. And they want the County to co-manage shoreline permitting decisions with local Tribes.

The MRC argues that raising the road isn’t necessary, since tides only impede emergency access for mere hours. They also expressed concern for taxpayers footing the bill, stating: “It is also upsetting and frightening for thousands of taxpayers to observe the destruction of the fragile environment for the expensive and temporary relief of landowners living on a dynamic shoreline.”

They point to precedent: homes on Rivers End, a nearby neighborhood, were previously bought out and removed in the name of retreat.

The letter closes by offering assistance with public education and outreach. It is signed by MRC Chair—and Jamestown S’Klallam Tribal member—LaTrisha Suggs.

The faces behind the policy

​The MRC is a community-based, nonregulatory advisory body that provides recommendations to the Clallam County Board of Commissioners. It was created in 1998 by resolution of the commissioners to address marine issues in the Strait of Juan de Fuca and surrounding areas, and it’s stacked with familiar names:

• Ann Soule, Vice Chair and member of the League of Women Voters, is working closely with the Jamestown Tribe on a river-monitoring app. She is also advocating for a new Water Steward position in county government.

• Cathy Lear, Coordinator, serves as the County Habitat Biologist and helped lead the Lower Dungeness Floodplain Restoration Project, which relocated Towne Road.

• Robert Knapp, an alternate, is the Jamestown Tribe’s Environmental Planning Manager. At a UW forum, Knapp noted that tribal communities are more affected by climate change than others.

• Navarra Carr, also an alternate, sits on the Port Angeles City Council and recently reminded the public that Clallam County residents are guests on ancestral tribal land.

If evicting landowners and residents sounds familiar, that’s because the strategy of relocation has been floated before.

At a 2021 workshop hosted by the Strait Ecosystem Recovery Network—whose fiscal agent is the Jamestown Tribe—attendees proposed revising city and county comprehensive plans to “relocate homeowners out of harm’s way.” The workshop emphasized the ecological necessity of coastal retreat, while also noting that any “buy-back” program should avoid paying “full price for parcels.” The North Olympic Development Council—led by Commissioner Mark Ozias—was mentioned as a potential partner in property acquisition.

Rising waters, selective consequences

The funny thing about sea level rise? It’s oddly selective.

According to modeling software used during that same workshop, a four-foot rise in Dungeness Bay would completely inundate the Three Crabs neighborhood.

But that same four-foot rise would leave the Tribe’s business campus at the head of Sequim Bay untouched—no threat to the casino, the hotel, the gas station, or the cannabis shop.

In the neighborhood of Jamestown, just east of Three Crabs, a four-foot rise would flood Seashore Road and make Graysmarsh uninhabitable. But Jamestown Beach—the Tribe’s ancestral homeland and home to a new pavilion, fry bread stand, and carving shed—remains high and dry.

So, when the relocation program begins, Three Crabs residents may have to leave, but the Tribe won’t have to.

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A copy of the letter is below. It is also available in the commissioners’ April 15th agenda packet on page 47 here.

As Clallam County faced job losses, business closures, and budget cuts, the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe reported $85.9 million in revenue last year. While the county scrambled for federal aid, the Tribe expanded services, acquired land, and advanced major projects—backed by tax advantages, exclusive grants, and growing political influence. The contrast raises questions about equity, transparency, and who truly holds the power in Clallam’s future.

For Clallam County, 2024 may be remembered as a year of economic losses. One of the largest blows came with the closure of the McKinley Paper Mill, resulting in the elimination of nearly 200 family-wage jobs. The retail sector also faced challenges, with longtime businesses such as Rite Aid, Big Lots, and Joann Fabrics announcing their closures.

Yet in a year marked by hardship for many, there was at least one moment of celebration. Applause broke out in the Clallam County Commissioners' boardroom with the announcement that the region had secured a $35 million federal Recompete Grant awarded to the most economically depressed regions of the nation. Although the County had hoped for $50 million, Commissioner Mike French noted that the funds could be used to help local tribes train and hire grant writers—potentially securing more grants in the future. With luck, Clallam County will be poor enough to secure the top spot next time.

While the County struggled—and even its largest employer, Olympic Medical Center, faced operational and financial strain—one corporation on the North Olympic Peninsula thrived. The Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe released its 2024 Report to Tribal Citizens, offering a stark contrast to the broader regional downturn. The report details a year of significant investment, expanded services, environmental leadership, and sustained economic success.

Demographics and education

Tribal enrollment decreased slightly last year, from 517 to 509 members, with 213 members residing "in area."

Meanwhile, the Tribe strengthened its collaboration with the Sequim School District through initiatives that include:

• Training school district staff in local American Indian culture and history

• Providing tutors for tribal students during and after school

• Offering federal funding to support tutoring services

• Including tribal staff in student support meetings

Federal partnerships and co-stewardship agreements

The report highlights the significance of the Title IV Tribal Self-Governance Program, through which the Department of the Interior distributes about $1.5 billion annually to Indian Tribes and Tribal organizations via Self-Governance compacts and Self-Determination contracts.

Under the Biden-Harris Administration, more than 400 co-stewardship agreements were signed with Tribes. Among them is the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe’s agreement with the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service to co-manage the Dungeness and Protection Island National Wildlife Refuges. Tribal stewardship practices will promote a more balanced conservation strategy while the Tribe manages its 50-acre commercial oyster farm of non-native species within the wildlife refuge.

Additionally, the Buy Indian Act has played an increasingly important role in the Tribe’s economic development. By giving preferential treatment to Indian-owned businesses for Department of Interior contracting opportunities, the Act has helped create jobs, stimulate revenue growth, and reduce administrative burden in securing contracts—especially in construction. This has allowed the Tribe to reinvest in other areas.

Federal investment and state-level gains

The Biden-Harris Administration delivered the largest direct federal investment in Tribal Nations in U.S. history:

• $32 billion from the American Rescue Plan Act since 2021

• $13 billion from the bipartisan Infrastructure Law for broadband, roads, bridges, transit, and water

• $700 million from the Inflation Reduction Act for climate resilience, drought mitigation, and clean energy initiatives

As part of this wave of investment, the federal government’s “Justice-40 Initiative” ensures that at least 40% of the benefits of relevant investments go to disadvantaged communities, including all federally recognized Tribes. This prioritization supports clean air and water projects, affordable energy, job creation, and long-term economic growth in Tribal communities like Jamestown.

At the state level, the 2024 supplemental capital budget included:

• $15 million for the Jamestown 16-bed inpatient behavioral health hospital

• $1.3 million in the supplemental transportation budget for design and engineering of the “Olympic Discovery Trail/US 101 Highway Safety Project,” which will provide safe passage across Highway 101 in Blyn

The Tribe also supported 22 bills during the session, with 11 passing. Among the highlights:

• A key bill aligned Washington’s carbon market with California and Quebec under the 2021 Climate Commitment Act. Governor Jay Inslee personally met with W. Ron Allen and Loni Greninger to secure Jamestown’s support.

• HB 1228 promotes a multilingual Washington by providing grants to expand tribal language education programs in schools.

• HB 1929 established the Post-Inpatient Housing Program for Young Adults, supporting 18–24-year-olds after inpatient behavioral health treatment.

• HB 2019 launched the Native American Apprentice Assistance Program, providing tuition and expense support for Tribal members entering state-registered apprenticeships.

Environment, infrastructure, and land stewardship

In FY2024, the Tribe used the Tribal Environmental Policy Act (TEPA) for a project at the Cedars at Dungeness Golf Course. The project aims to expand the driving range by filling a portion of an existing wetland.

The Tribal Historic Preservation Office (THPO) continued consulting with Olympic National Park on water system upgrades at Hurricane Ridge, as it has been identified as an important cultural site. A Memorandum of Agreement has been drafted to mitigate cultural site impacts. THPO will conduct regular site visits during ground-disturbing work if the Lodge is reconstructed.

The Tribe is also working with its Administration Department to design a new Natural Resources building. It will incorporate solar power, battery storage, and EV charging stations—backed by a $4 million Bureau of Indian Affairs grant.

Jamestown continued reacquiring ancestral lands across Clallam and Jefferson Counties. The Tribe’s land base now totals nearly 1,800 acres, categorized as:

• 841.7 acres in Trust

• 269.3 acres designated as Reservation

• 681.54 acres as Fee land

Properties are located in Blyn, Miller Peninsula, Jamestown Beach, Sequim, Carlsborg, Port Angeles, along the Dungeness River, and beyond.

Business development and revenue

The 7 Cedars Resort continues to be a cornerstone of Tribal revenue and services. In 2024, general fund contributions from 7 Cedars increased to $5.5 million.

Other revenue highlights:

• Tax revenues from cigarette, fuel, sales, and hotel taxes totaled $2.9 million through September, with projections of $3.8 million for the full year

• The 7 Cedars Hotel celebrated its five-year anniversary with a 74% occupancy rate—9% higher than its competitors

Jamestown Seafood saw significant growth, including:

• Launch of a dive team to plant and harvest geoduck in Sequim Bay

• Expansion of live sablefish sales to Asian markets in the Seattle-Bellevue-Tacoma area

Jamestown Networks expanded its partnerships with state agencies and explored new cell tower locations in Carlsborg.

Carlsborg Self-Storage maintained high occupancy and staffing levels and is nearing trust status.

Jamestown Property Management (JPM) reported ongoing success. Its Airbnb rental program is performing well, and two more units are planned by the end of 2025. The Sequim Trading Plaza (Hurricane Coffee block) is fully occupied.

The Economic Development Authority (EDA) is working with Rice Fergus Miller Architects and the City of Sequim on a housing plan centered around the Healing Clinic, with hopes of advancing the initiative in 2025.

There’s also potential for future business expansion at Salish Trails, the former KOA campground.

At Jamestown Excavation, Tribal hiring is a priority. Every Tribal applicant is guaranteed an interview, and managers actively seek ways to integrate citizens into operations.

JKT Development’s new partnership with Habitat for Humanity is producing promising results. The Habitat Subdivision is now under contract with E&T Site Development, marking a key milestone in the Tribe’s housing efforts.

Healthcare and healing initiatives

The Jamestown Healing Clinic (JHC) completed its second year of operations, delivering vital services to over 290 active patients—primarily those battling Opioid Use Disorder (OUD).

Key second-year statistics:

• 86% of patients reside in Clallam County

• Jail dosing is available in Clallam, Jefferson, Forks, and Neah Bay

In 2024, the Clinic received $1.6 million from the Washington State Health Care Authority to develop a mobile medication unit.

Financial overview

In 2024, the Tribe reported total revenue of $85,877,685.

Expenditures were also listed.

To put the $85.9 million revenue into perspective, Clallam County’s entire operating budget this year is approximately $54 million. The Jamestown Tribe consists of 213 local citizens, while Clallam County has about 77,000.

Looking ahead, the Jamestown Financial Department is working with the Internal Revenue Service to finalize long-awaited regulations—more than 25 years in the making—regarding income tax exemptions for tribal businesses.

In stark contrast to Clallam County’s economic downturn and reliance on federal relief, the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe demonstrates how sovereign governance, strategic investment, and community-centered growth can shape a resilient and prosperous future.

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Last Sunday, readers were asked if they trusted Clallam County to independently manage complex partnerships with sovereign tribes and foreign NGOs. Of 187 votes:

• 3% said, “Yes.”

• 96% said, “No.”

• 1% said, “It depends on the project.”

A historic hall gets a fresh start, but one unexpected eyesore is holding up the celebration.

After a three-month closure for extensive renovations, the Sequim Prairie Grange is just days away from reopening its doors to the community. With a newly reinforced floor beam—tired after a century of dances—and an upgraded electrical system that can finally handle both a coffee pot and a hot plate at the same time, the building is now one of the premier rental venues in the Sequim-Dungeness Valley. The kitchen has been fully modernized, and the first post-remodel event is already booked for this Monday.

There’s just one problem: someone moved in during the remodel.

In early March, Grange neighbors noticed a dilapidated trailer being unhitched in the Grange’s parking lot. Concerned it was being abandoned, they called members of the Grange. A member arrived on site to find a Clallam County Sheriff’s Deputy already speaking with the man who had parked the trailer. The man claimed he had a flat tire and was just heading home to fetch a spare. Assured by the explanation, the deputy allowed the man to leave.

That was over a month ago. He never came back.

Had the trailer been left closer to Macleay Road, it would have fallen under the County’s jurisdiction. But because it sits just off the road—squarely in the Grange’s parking lot—it has become the Grange’s problem to solve. Unfortunately, it can’t simply be towed or moved: the trailer is missing wheels, has multiple flat tires, and is still considered private property. The Grange is even willing to pay to return the trailer to the owner, but the Sheriff’s office is unable to release that private information.

Inside, it’s uninhabitable—filled with garbage and signs of neglect. In recent days, several individuals known to be associated with drug use have come and gone from the trailer, reportedly removing items. Grange members have been advised not to engage with these individuals, both for safety reasons and to avoid potential allegations of harassment.

Even moving the trailer closer to the road, so the County could handle it, would put the Grange at legal risk if an accident were to occur. The only path forward involves filing an affidavit to take legal ownership of the trailer before paying to dispose of it—a process that is costly and time-consuming. Towing it would require new wheels (at $130/hour just for labor), and actual removal would cost $150 per foot, plus disposal fees.

Members of the Grange stress that the Clallam County Sheriff’s Office has been professional and helpful throughout the ordeal. They understand that the deputies are bound by procedure and legal limits. Still, after more than a century of paying taxes and serving the community, many are disheartened that more can’t be done to support the Grange in resolving an issue not of its own making—especially just as the organization prepares to reopen after a major investment in the facility.

But if there's one thing the Grange is known for, it’s resilience.

This derelict trailer won’t stop a community institution that has weathered everything from world wars to economic downturns. Grange members are already back at work, booking events, and planning a summer full of ice cream socials, pancake breakfasts, and old-fashioned good times.

The reopening is just around the corner—and the Grange will be ready.

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The Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe’s growing economic role is drawing scrutiny. Are its tax-exempt businesses a model of self-reliance—or enjoying public benefits without public obligations? The debate pits sovereignty against calls for civic accountability.

In a recent social media exchange, Jamestown S’Klallam Tribal citizen and Sequim City Council member Vicki Lowe pushed back on criticism aimed at the tribe’s tax-exempt status and its growing influence in local civic and economic life. The exchange highlights a simmering debate over whether the Tribe—while officially recognized as a sovereign government—is functioning more like a powerful corporate entity, benefiting from public infrastructure while avoiding certain civic obligations.

Critics argue that the tribe’s many businesses, such as the 7 Cedars Resort and Jamestown Family Health Clinic, operate on a playing field tilted by exemptions from property taxes and regulatory oversight. They point out that these operations benefit from roads, utilities, and other infrastructure largely funded by city and county taxpayers—while the tribe, as a sovereign government, is not required to contribute to those systems in the same way by dodging taxes and regulations.

Lowe, however, offered a different perspective. “Tribes are also governments that provide services and jobs,” she wrote in a detailed comment, emphasizing that tribal governments do not fund their programs through property taxes, but through a mix of federal grants and economic development. “The gap of tax funding is filled by economic development,” she explained, positioning the tribe’s enterprises as vital service providers and job creators.

A key example cited by Lowe is the Jamestown Family Health Clinic, which she says stepped in when other providers left the community. “In 2002, Sequim was about to lose access to half the primary care in our town,” she noted, referencing the closure of the Virginia Mason Clinic. The Jamestown Tribe assumed operations and expanded the clinic, which now employs more than 20 healthcare and behavioral health providers and serves over 20,000 people in the region.

This intervention is undeniably significant—but it also raises questions about structure and accountability. Unlike public hospitals or city-run utilities, which reinvest surplus revenues into services, tribal businesses may transfer profits to the Jamestown Corporation or other arms of the tribal government, without public disclosure. As sovereign entities, tribal governments are not subject to the same transparency standards as cities or counties, and their internal finances are often shielded from public view.

That lack of transparency fuels concern among some residents and local officials who feel that economic power should be matched by civic accountability. With Clallam County and its municipalities facing mounting infrastructure needs and constrained budgets, the issue of who pays—and who doesn’t—has taken on new urgency.

Lowe dismissed these criticisms as divisive, suggesting they distract from the tribe’s substantial contributions. “There are many ways to contribute to the betterment of our community. Paying taxes is one of them,” she wrote. “Governments don’t pay property taxes; they fund programs. They also provide well-paid jobs with good benefits for local citizens.”

But the debate is not merely about services or sentiment—it’s about systems. In most communities, tax revenue pays for sidewalks, sewers, and public safety. When an entity like the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe expands its footprint in commerce and real estate while operating outside the tax structure, some see it as an imbalance. Others, like Lowe, see it as a valid expression of tribal sovereignty and self-reliance.

The issue, then, may not be whether the tribe contributes—it clearly does—but whether the current framework ensures a level playing field. Without mechanisms for transparency or shared financial responsibility, critics argue, tribal operations benefit from public systems while remaining insulated from the obligations those systems demand.

As former School Board member Jim Stoffer responded in the same thread, “Thank you Jamestown S’Klallam Peoples, one community working together for all.” The sentiment is generous, but the underlying question remains: can a community truly work together when not everyone is subject to the same rules?

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Whatcom County is undergoing re-adjudication of water rights. Could Clallam County face a similar process? Here at home, a $41 million reservoir project, initially sold as a solution for salmon recovery and aquifer recharge, raises questions about water ownership. As the narrative shifts, the public is left wondering who will truly benefit. The battle for water could ultimately determine who controls the region’s future.

Substack, the platform that hosts Clallam County Watchdog, is full of fascinating data for creators. It tracks how many subscribers we have (2,424), how many sign up each month (154 on average), and how much monthly traffic the website gets (134,799 views). But the platform also shows the locations of our readers, which sparked some curiosity. Washington has the highest subscription rate, naturally. But why were people from 31 other states also tuning in?

Then, the messages started rolling in.

The answer is clear: people are researching possible retirement locations before they move to Clallam County from other parts of the country.

“We love it up there, but your articles are starting to get us concerned,” read a message from a married couple. One of them is retiring this year, the other can work remotely.

My usual reply has been, “I’m sure there’s always some backroom dealing and pulling the wool over the public’s eyes wherever you go. Don’t worry.”

But I have an update for you: now, it’s time to worry.

The Great Water Grab

From the Washington State Department of Ecology (DOE):

“Do you live in or near Whatcom County and do you use water from a well, stream, or lake? If so, you may be in the water adjudication area. Today, Ecology sent out claim forms by certified mail to 30,000 water users.

“When you fill out and submit a claim form, you will describe your past and current water use. Not filing can result in losing your right to legally use water in the future. If you receive a claim form, don’t throw it away and don’t ignore it.”

It’s a simple message. Fill out a 30-page claim form, detailing your water usage. Don’t file it, and you risk losing your right to water—forever. That’s right. Even if you use water from a private well, you still have to fill out the form.

What seems like a shocking government overreach feels oddly more acceptable after watching this DOE cartoon about losing your water rights.

The issue, however, isn’t just about securing rights for the Nooksack and Lummi Tribes, who are advocating for re-adjudication. It’s about the state reassessing ownership. Currently, the public owns the water, and residents, farmers, businesses, and tribes have all lived with the understanding that their water rights are protected. However, these rights are now being reexamined, and the stakes are significant.

By the conclusion of this reexamination of rights, every drop of water above and below ground in Whatcom County could potentially fall under the legal control of sovereign governments, like the Lummi and Nooksack Tribal Nations, that do not represent the majority of residents.

The drought that never ends

What does all of this mean for Sequim, a community in the rain shadow of the Olympic Mountains where annual rainfall averages just 16 inches—half the amount of Whatcom County? The Dungeness Water Rule means private wells, (the ones not on sovereign land) are already being metered. The County, State, and even the Jamestown Tribe are planning for long-term water management, including the construction of a $41 million reservoir to store water for the community.

But it’s not just about water. This reservoir, situated atop earthquake fault lines and beneath high-voltage power lines, is a symbol of control—a control being sold as a tool for sustainability, aquifer recharge, and salmon recovery.

The messaging around the reservoir has largely focused on its salmon-saving capabilities, painting the project as an ecological boon for the community. But when you dig deeper, the promises have become less certain. The benefits are now downplayed as “possible.” The project that once promised a solution to water shortages has turned into a complex web of conflicting priorities, where each stakeholder has a different vision of who will own the water.

When you ask who owns the water in this new reservoir, the answers are as muddled as the politics behind it. Commissioner Mark Ozias says work is underway to determine ownership. Commissioner French claims it will be public. County Engineer Joe Donisi says the Highland Irrigation District will own it. The Jamestown Tribe’s Natural Resources Director, Hansi Hals, suggests the Tribe might have a share. Meanwhile, irrigators say the Department of Ecology will grant permission for the Highland Irrigation District to use the water, but they’re unclear on who truly owns it.

Perhaps it doesn’t matter who owns it today. The more pressing question is: who will own it after the possible re-adjudication of water rights?

Fitting a square peg into a round hole

A document sent to the County on June 18, 2024, has surfaced. It’s from the Washington State Emergency Management Division (WAEMD) and reveals an intriguing twist in the story of the reservoir: FEMA is currently reviewing a $30 million grant request to fund the majority of the project. However, to meet FEMA’s guidelines, the county must reframe the narrative.

The document states:

High Importance for Project Eligibility: Projects that primarily address ecological or agricultural issues are ineligible under HMGP (HMA guidance 2015, pg. 43). This project is a valuable one that we want to see move forward. However, to meet the eligibility guidelines, the project narrative needs to be rewritten to remove the emphasis on irrigation/salmon and focus on other benefits more in line with HMGP policy.

• The project narrative needs to be rewritten to primarily focus on the drought resilience, flood reduction, and aquifer recharge, storage and recovery benefits provided to the 11,812 residents that live downgradient of the reservoir.

4481 03 Dungeness Off Channel Reservoir Project Rfi 2 (1)

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Ecological and agricultural concerns, which the project was initially sold on, aren’t eligible for FEMA funding. The project narrative needs to be rewritten to focus on drought resilience, flood reduction, and aquifer recharge for the 11,812 residents living downstream of the proposed reservoir. In short, the county wants the money, but it needs to repackage the project to make it fit FEMA’s mold.

Who should be overseeing the reservoir?

The Clallam County Charter clearly states that the Director of Community Development (DCD) is responsible for administering watershed planning.

Yet, Deputy Director of Public Works Steve Gray has been managing the reservoir project. Elected DCD Director Bruce Emery has been noticeably absent from briefings and the open house. When asked why Public Works—not the DCD—is leading the project, the commissioners’ responses were evasive:

• Commissioner Ozias: “The current Department of Community Development, I don’t believe, has felt to a large extent like they’ve had the bandwidth to participate in leadership in that project.”

• Commissioner French: “Where there is a County nexus to watershed management, I do think the Department of Community Development has a reasonable nexus to that.” (Yet, no explanation as to why the DCD is not in charge.)

• Commissioner Johnson did not comment.

This isn’t just bureaucratic reshuffling—it’s a deliberate shift of power. The DCD Director is elected and accountable to the voters. The Deputy Director of Public Works is appointed, meaning their accountability lies with the commissioners—not the public. The Clallam County Charter doesn’t say, “unless the DCD is too busy” or “unless the commissioners prefer otherwise.”

Ignoring the charter and placing reservoir management under Public Works instead of the DCD is a direct violation of the governing document created by the people of this county.

The true wealth of water

The County continues to advance the reservoir project despite uncertainty regarding future funding for its maintenance and operations. In its current vision, it will be a $41 million pond designed to irrigate crops on one side of the Dungeness River during the last 30 days of summer.

This is about more than just water—it’s about power. Control over water means control over land use, development, agriculture, and ultimately, the region’s economic and political future.

The reservoir’s purpose shifts depending on who is writing the checks. First, it was for salmon and aquifer recharge. Now, it’s about drought resilience. What will it be next? The county’s evolving narrative suggests one thing: this is about consolidating control over the region’s most valuable resource.

As Clallam County inches toward potential re-adjudication, the true power struggle is becoming clear:

• Who gets access to water?

• Who makes those decisions?

• And ultimately, who will control the future of Clallam County?

The reservoir is more than just a body of water. It’s a chess piece in a larger game. And if the public doesn’t start paying attention, they may wake up to find the rules have changed—and they’re on the losing side.

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A months-long push to cancel Sequim’s Fourth of July fireworks has been unfolding in secrecy, catching supporters off guard. The issue was never clearly listed on a council agenda, yet opponents were well-organized and mobilized early. With funds already invested and no major legal concerns, why does the council seem set on shutting it down? Is this democracy in action—or backroom politics at play?

For years, the Sequim City Council has proudly hosted a Fourth of July fireworks display, a cherished tradition that brings the community together in celebration of patriotism. This event has been especially valued since the council's decision to ban private fireworks within city limits, offering a safe and festive alternative. However, without prior notice to supporters, a concerted push to eliminate the display has surfaced—marked by a troubling lack of transparency, public input, and an apparent rush toward a predetermined outcome.

The first public mention of opposition to the fireworks came on November 18, 2024, when Councilmember Harmony Rutter noted during the Open Council Discussion part of the agenda that an unnamed community member had approached her with concerns.

“I have had a member of the community reach out to me. They are very, very concerned about the fireworks in Carrie Blake [Park], and I don’t think that they are the only person in our community who feels this way,” she said.

Rutter explained that the fire mitigation during the Fourth of July display hosted by the city involves spraying water into a hedgerow behind the soccer fields, which she describes as “drenching that entire area." Rutter states, "This is a very disruptive practice to the birds that nest in that hedgerow all 364 other days of the year.”

The issue, she suggested, was one the council "owed to the community" to explore. However, at that time, there was no public indication that an organized movement against the fireworks was already underway.

A campaign behind the scenes

The issue resurfaced on February 24, 2025, under the vague agenda item Open Council Discussion rather than being clearly listed for public awareness. This time, five people spoke against the fireworks during public comment, and a previously unseen 43-page document titled Request to Discontinue Fireworks at Carrie Blake Park/Water Reclamation Demonstration Facility was presented.

The document contained a petition with 54 signatures from just 44 households, with most signers concentrated in specific neighborhoods rather than a broad cross-section of the city. The first signature was dated January 9, 2025—months before any public discussion—suggesting an orchestrated effort had been underway while the wider community remained uninformed.

A city council with a preordained agenda?

Despite knowing the fireworks display had already been contracted and partially paid for, council members pushed forward with discussions on cancellation. City Attorney Kristina Nelson Gross has since informed the council that canceling the event will result in a forfeited deposit of $4,750, with a potential loss of up to $9,500 if canceled within 30 days of the event.

Councilmember Vicky Lowe cited the Eagle Protection Act as a possible reason to reconsider fireworks, despite acknowledging that applying it to the show “would be a stretch.” The city’s own staff has noted that the nearest eagle nest is more than double the recommended distance from the fireworks discharge area, making legal concerns questionable at best.

City staff has now informed the council that replacing the fireworks display with a drone show will cost $60,000—more than triple the fireworks budget of $19,000.

Lack of public awareness, lack of participation

Most troubling is how this issue has been handled. The fireworks show had not been a visible agenda item until tomorrow’s March 24, 2025, meeting at 6:00 pm—meaning those who support the fireworks likely had no idea the discussion was even taking place (The Sequim Gazette published an article about fireworks on March 12). Meanwhile, those opposing the fireworks have clearly been mobilized for months, knowing when to attend meetings, when to submit petitions, and how to work within the system to push their agenda.

If this issue were truly about public input, why weren’t Sequim residents given a broader opportunity to participate? Why wasn’t the city council transparent about its deliberations? And why was this opposition campaign allowed to work behind the scenes while supporters were kept in the dark?

As tomorrow’s meeting approaches, the citizens of Sequim must ask themselves: Is this how local government should work? Should policy decisions be made with only select voices heard? If the fireworks display is to be eliminated, shouldn’t that decision come from a well-informed and engaged public, rather than a select few operating in secrecy?

The integrity of the city’s decision-making process is at stake, and if the fireworks display is any indication, the Sequim City Council is content to cut its citizens out of that process entirely.

On tomorrow’s agenda

Independence Day Fireworks is on tomorrow’s Sequim City Council agenda. The meeting will take place on Monday, March 24, at 6 pm at the Civic Center, located at 152 W. Cedar Street. You can find the agenda and guidelines for attending virtually here.

Last week residents were asked if one Conservation District Supervisor’s alleged comments about water and salmon rights aligned with the agency’s mission. Of 129 votes:

• 88% said, “No, they do not align.”

• 6% said, “Yes, they align.”

• 6% were unsure.

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A project meant to restore the Meadowbrook Creek estuary was supposed to protect against flooding—but for residents of 3 Crabs Road, the opposite has happened. Homes that never saw water damage are now flooding year after year, with costs piling up and no clear solution in sight. As county officials scramble for funding to study the issue, frustrated homeowners are left asking: Was this disaster preventable? And who will take responsibility?

The residents of the 3 Crabs neighborhood north of Sequim have received a mix of good and bad news regarding their persistent flooding issues. The good news is that, after years of being ignored by their commissioners, the Board has finally applied for grant funding to study the problem. The bad news? Residents will likely endure at least two more years of flooding before a solution is found.

Increased flooding since restoration

According to a newsletter from the Jamestown Tribe, the Ribbon Cutting Ceremony for the completed 3 Crabs Restoration Project took place on December 18, 2018.

Two days later, on December 20, 2018, homes adjacent to the project flooded during an 8-foot tide. According to an article in the Sequim Gazette, resident Dwayne Pettett remarked, “This is the worst I’ve seen it.”

“Ever since the completion of the Meadowbrook restoration project, 3 Crabs has experienced flooding at a severity that was not there before,” Dungeness resident Amanda Stanley told the commissioners last month during a public comment session.

Three Crabs resident Jim Welch added, “The estuary restoration project may have removed some of the infrastructure that protected the area from flooding so severely, although one of the North Olympic Salmon Coalition’s stated benefits was the reduction in flood hazards.”

A plaque displayed at the Meadowbrook Creek Estuary even lists “Reduction of flood hazards, upgraded road and bridge infrastructure, and improvements to tidal and creek flow conditions” as key benefits of the restoration.

Homeowners facing costly damage

Dungeness resident Carlos Arguelles shared his own struggles with the increased flooding. After years of planning, his family finally purchased a home on 3 Crabs Road in 2021. He had researched the property carefully, finding no history of flooding, and even noted that the home still had its original 1973 insulation.

However, shortly after moving in, flooding struck, causing $15,000 in damage. The following year, another flood brought another $15,000 in repairs. This year, a third round of flooding has pushed the total damages to around $50,000.

“We’ve been bringing this up to our elected officials for the last four years with almost no action,” Arguelles said. “Inaction has real consequences for real people. Our family is one of them, as is every other person on 3 Crabs Road.”

The science behind the flooding

Brian Hilderman, a resident of Three Crabs, is dissatisfied with the county’s response. He believes that attributing the flooding solely to climate change and proposing a “relocation strategy” for residents demonstrates that the government is not backing its citizens and only expects them to pay for projects.

Hilderman has turned to science for an explanation of the flooding and has focused his research on barometric pressure, which measures air pressure over land and sea. “A ‘standard’ barometric pressure at sea level (Dungeness) is defined as 1013 millibars,” Hilderman states, according to NOAA. “The higher the pressure, the lower the tides. The lower the pressure, the less weight on the sea, and the tides rise.”

His research revealed that on December 14, 2024, Dungeness faced flooding despite a predicted high tide of only 8.4 feet. However, barometric pressure had dropped to 995.8 millibars, causing the water level to rise an additional 6.8 inches. This, along with winds over 45 knots, resulted in flooding in the neighborhood. Two days later, on December 16th, the predicted tide was actually higher (9.0 feet), but no flooding occurred because the barometric pressure was at a stable 1018 mb.

Structural changes and road damage

Beyond atmospheric pressure, Hilderman believes another major contributor to the flooding is the structural damage caused during the restoration process. He notes that when hundreds of tons of material were removed from the former 3 Crabs restaurant site, it caused measurable stress on the road south of his property, leading to sinking in some areas. These low points now allow water to cross into properties that previously remained dry.

A project excerpt states, “The crest elevation of 3 Crabs Road adjacent to the Project Area will be raised to at a minimum elevation of 9’ NAVD88 in order to reduce flooding of the roadway and improve ingress/egress during flood events.” However, Hilderman’s measurements indicate that his section of the road was never raised. His altimeter shows that the road is still a foot below the promised design elevation.

Removal of the dike

Perhaps most concerning is that a project website openly acknowledges that the original 3 Crabs Road served as an armored dike that separated the estuary from the neighborhood.

By removing the road and reengineering Meadowbrook Creek with new tidal basins, the restoration project brought floodwaters closer to homes, effectively eliminating a protective barrier. Before-and-after photos of the project illustrate that two tidal basins were excavated, allowing water to move closer to the road and homes.

Further complicating matters, another restoration effort—the Dungeness Floodplain project—has inadvertently funneled more water into Meadowbrook Creek. Project partners excavated a deep drainage ditch north of the Dungeness Valley Creamery, which channels water eastward into Meadowbrook Creek. Despite this additional water source, the County has yet to measure its impact on flooding.

Funding a solution

After years of inaction, the County has now applied for a $360,529 FEMA grant to study the flooding problem. If approved, the County will contribute a 12.5% match of $51,054, bringing the total study funding to $412,033.

However, the study itself will take two years to complete. Meanwhile, the residents of 3 Crabs Road face at least two more flood seasons without a solution. This delay is unacceptable for those already dealing with thousands of dollars in damages.

The question remains: will the County take real action to protect its residents, or will they be left to weather the storm alone?

Polling

Last Sunday, subscribers were asked whether women were unfairly excluded from the payouts related to the 1925 Clallam Relief Act. Of 125 votes:

• 58% said, “Yes, they were left out.”

• 20% said, “No, it was justified at the time.”

• 22% said, “I need more information.”

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The Clallam Relief Act of 1925 offered compensation to the Clallam Tribe, but the true cost went beyond the dollar amount.

Tomorrow marks the 100th anniversary of the Clallam Relief Act, a piece of legislation passed by Congress on March 3, 1925, appropriating funds for the relief of the Clallam Tribe of Washington State. The Indian Affairs Committee recommended an amendment to the bill to authorize per capita payments to Clallam tribal members, which was ultimately approved.

As a result, $400,000 was allocated for distribution among enrolled tribal members. The Commissioner of Indian Affairs directed the Superintendent of the Tulalip Reservation, Walter F. Dickens, to compile a roll of eligible Clallam Indians, marking the first step in disbursing the funds.

Eligibility and final settlement

In April 1926, Clallam tribal members were instructed to gather in Jamestown, their ancestral beach village north of Sequim, to undergo the enrollment process. According to historical newspaper accounts, the primary requirement for payment was proven tribal lineage.

“The test of tribal membership is by blood,” the article stated. “The act provides that before payment to the individual Indians is made, they shall relinquish in writing all claims of any nature against the United States under any treaty, agreement, or act of Congress, and agree to accept such payment in full satisfaction of any and all claims against the government.”

This meant that eligible Clallam Indians would receive monetary compensation in exchange for permanently surrendering any legal claims against the U.S. government. In effect, this was considered a final settlement of promises made under the 1855 Treaty of Point No Point.

How much did the Clallam receive?

At the time, Superintendent Dickens estimated 350 Clallam Indians in Washington, meaning each person would receive approximately $1,000—the equivalent of $18,000 in today’s money.

However, after legal fees and the completion of the final tribal roll, the total appropriation was reduced to $385,000, resulting in individual payments of $722.33 per person.

The exclusion of women from payments

A 1921 Western Union telegram outlined the U.S. government’s intent for Tribal Council settlements, stating that “any organization should be effected only by a council of adult men and women composed of a majority of the claimants.”

In 1926, the Department of the Interior sent Dickens a notice outlining eligibility for the appropriation:

“That all children born of a marriage heretofore solemnized between a white man and an Indian woman by blood and not by adoption, where said Indian woman is at the time or was at the time of her death, recognized by the tribe shall have the same rights and privileges to the property of the tribe to which the mother belongs, or belonged at the time of her death, by blood, or any other member of the tribe…”

This meant that children born to a white father and an Indian mother (by blood, not adoption) in a recognized marriage had the same property rights within the mother's tribe, provided the mother was recognized by the tribe during her life or at her death.

Yet, a 1926 document sent to the Office of Indian Affairs reveals a deliberate effort to reduce the number of Clallam claimants and maximize individual payouts. The proposal sought to exclude Clallam women who had married outside the tribe—whether to a white man or a member of another tribe—along with their children. “Realizing that there will be hundreds of people claim[ing] relationship to the Clallams and probably more with shadowy claims on account of the $400,000 appropriated by Congress,” the committee argued for their disqualification.

Despite the Bureau of Indian Affairs’ directive to convene a committee of both men and women, the request was signed exclusively by four men: Joseph Allen, William Hall, David Prince, and Wilson Johnson. Their petition to bar these women from receiving their rightful allotments concluded with a telling phrase: “Thanking you for this and past favors.”

These “past favors” amounted to a systemic exclusion—deliberately omitting Clallam women and children from the 1926 Base Roll to ensure larger payments for the remaining claimants.

Unresolved disputes

While the Clallam Relief Act was meant to finalize all claims, by 1933, complaints emerged that the payments were not properly distributed.

A letter dated March 26, 1933, from Wm. Bruce to Senator Homer T. Bone in Washington, D.C., revealed that many Clallam tribal members were left off the roll entirely.

“Many of the Clallam Indians were left off the roll and have to date received absolutely nothing from the government. About 533 of them participated, whereas there are about 700 remaining in the tribe.”

Bruce urged Senator Homer to sponsor a new bill to appropriate additional funds for Clallam Indians who had been excluded.

The land I lost

I live in the 1869 farmhouse my great-great-grandparents purchased, a home rich with history and perseverance. But the land that once stretched across 160 acres—half a mile of pristine, no-bank waterfront—is now just 3.1 acres.

Before I was born, in the early 1960s, my great-grandparents were struggling. Dairy farming no longer covered the bills, and overdue taxes loomed. Like many Sequim-area farmers at the time, they made a difficult choice: they sold to developers.

According to family members, my great-grandparents weren’t just struggling—they were outmatched. A group of savvy Seattle investors took advantage of their trusting nature and lack of business experience. With a single signature, our family's land shrank by 98% and sold for about $1,000 per acre—just enough to settle their debts.

More of that land was sold in the 1970s to keep afloat, leaving only a small slice of our family's legacy. What was once a thriving farm, complete with a hog shed, milking parlor, and hay barn, is now a neighborhood dotted with a hundred homes.

Sure, I sometimes dream about what it would be like to have a half-mile of beach to myself or to raise animals on wide-open pastures. But I don’t dwell. My great-grandparents made a decision that shaped my reality, just as your ancestors likely shaped yours. I’m not here to knock on my neighbors’ doors, demanding acknowledgment of an unfair deal or special treatment. That’s not who I am.

Instead, I choose to honor the past while looking forward. Because the legacy I carry isn’t just about land—it’s about perseverance.

Why does this still matter today?

The Jamestown S'Klallam Tribe has consistently maintained that they were not adequately compensated for the lands ceded under the 1855 Treaty of Point No Point. In the 1950s, the Tribe filed a claim with the Indian Claims Commission seeking compensation for these lands, underscoring their assertion of insufficient original compensation.

Given the historical record, questions arise:

If the ancestors of today’s Jamestown S’Klallam members received compensation and legally signed documents relinquishing all claims against the U.S. government, why do they continue to assert claims of unfair treatment?

Why do they require special sea and land wildlife harvesting rights, special gaming rights, special federal assistance, and special tax advantages not afforded to others in Clallam County while maintaining they were not fairly compensated for their land?

These unresolved questions linger a century later, making the 100th anniversary of the Clallam Relief Act a time for renewed scrutiny, historical reflection, and perhaps, a deeper examination of who was truly left out—and why.

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Subscriber poll

Last week, subscribers were asked if Sequim Good Governance League’s influence would affect their vote in any upcoming elections. Of 164 votes:

• 64% said they would vote differently.

• 32% said it wouldn’t impact their decision.

• 4% were undecided.

Want to support CC Watchdog? All you have to do is…

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The Tribe’s latest ventures are scoring big on Woodcock Road. Allen estimates tribes are only $250 billion shy before they become self-reliant. They wouldn’t build a gas station on a wetland, would they?

The process of placing land into trust has been a crucial strategy for the Jamestown Tribe, allowing for the restoration and expansion of its ancestral lands. Two such properties, located less than a quarter mile apart on Woodcock Road near the Cedars at Dungeness Golf Course (also held in trust), highlight the financial and economic implications of this strategy. By converting the homes at 2203 and 2041 Woodcock Road into trust land, the Tribe eliminated a $7,754.72 annual property tax bill, shifting the cost of funding schools, emergency services, and libraries onto other taxpayers.

Beyond their trust status and location, these two properties share another commonality: they are both short-term rentals.

The Bunker House, a modest 3-bedroom rambler, features a pickle-ball court and basketball hoop. It rents for $519 per night.

Nearby, The Ole' Crabby House—a two-bedroom home within walking distance of two restaurants and a championship golf course—offers accommodations starting at $399 per night.

Tribal economic growth and self-reliance

“Our Northwest Native Art gallery is doing well, as is our Airbnb business,” said Jamestown Tribe CEO Ron Allen in an article for Indian Gaming titled Tribal Leader Roundtable: Spotlight on Tribal Economic Resilience. Allen emphasized that, despite federal funding for tribal programs—estimated at around $32 billion annually—it falls significantly short of what Native communities truly need, which he places between $250 billion and $300 billion per year.

Federal recognition of the Jamestown Tribe occurred 44 years ago, and since then, the Tribe has been working toward self-reliance. Beyond tourism, its construction enterprises (Jamestown Excavation, Jamestown Surveying, and Jamestown Concrete) have seen success, yet the Tribe continues to explore new economic frontiers.

“With the e-commerce market and communication systems continuing to expand, our Tribe is broadening operations to capitalize on those opportunities, such as cell towers and telemarketing our products,” Allen stated, bringing to mind the cell phone tower that the NODC and Cascadia Consulting Group informed the County was necessary in Blyn.

Additionally, Allen highlighted the continued growth of the seafood industry, particularly in shellfish and hatchery operations, as well as new ventures into fish farming with native Northwest species such as steelhead and sablefish.

Draining the swamp

The article also highlighted some major moves by the tribe, including acquiring an RV resort — formerly a KOA campground — and expanding its chain of “c-stores,” presumably convenience stores. While the article didn’t indicate where new c-stores are being built, grading work at O’Brien Road and Highway 101 hints at a significant project in the works — an especially strategic location given WSDOT’s plans for a roundabout. However, a 2021 document recorded with the County and titled Analysis for Deregulating Wetland Parcel points out that the property currently under development contains two designated wetland areas.

The Jamestown Tribe’s economic initiatives raise important questions about taxation, community impact, and environmental stewardship. As the Tribe forges ahead, balancing economic ambition with community responsibility remains a key consideration.

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There are “big signs” that two sides may have something in common. “Nonpartisan” gets redefined. City Council’s land acknowledgment is over-the-top political grandstanding. SGGL gives feedback to CC Watchdog about good governance. After fleeing Eastern Europe, a refugee finds a familiar foe lurking in Sequim.

The five Sequim City Council members who voted to override their own rules and support the Sequim School District’s ballot measure—Dan Butler, Vicki Lowe, Rachel Anderson, Brandon Janisse, and Harmony Rutter—share more than just that decision. Each was endorsed by the Sequim Good Governance League (SGGL), a self-described nonpartisan Political Action Committee (PAC).

SGGL members Dale Jarvis and PJ Harris articulated the group’s guiding principles in a 2022 KPTZ radio interview: "Good governance is based on honesty, integrity, accessibility, inclusiveness, transparency, equity, diversity, competence, accountability, using facts and reason, exhibiting ethical behaviors, and respecting the rule of law."

“I believe far right-wing politics gets more attention because it has this strong element of outrageousness which seems to drive media these days,” Jarvis and Harris told KPTZ. “Far right-wing politics have big yard signs and appears to be everywhere all the time, not just during elections. Most people don’t shout their beliefs like this.”

Ironically, SGGL’s own playbook included a list of strategies. Number 17 was “Big Signs: We put up three large 4’x8’ signs on busy streets asking folks to vote for our city council candidates.”

Selective transparency

An analysis of internal SGGL meeting minutes from early 2021 exposes a gap between its publicly stated mission and actual behind-the-scenes practices. While officially maintaining an independent stance, the group worked diligently to install candidates aligned with its vision while maintaining an official separation from them — a difficult task given that three future council members started the group. Nicole Hartman, Vicki Lowe, and Lowell Rathbun all went on to serve on the Sequim City Council.

Though SGGL claimed nonpartisanship, internal discussions revealed an intent to “flip City Hall.”

Leadership emphasized the need to "build credibility in the community as a nonpartisan watchdog group" while working to install its preferred candidates, stating, "anything this [current] council does can be undone."

Their strategy included advising candidates on when to announce their campaigns and how to control messaging—tactics that undercut the notion of free and fair elections. Meeting notes also reveal that SGGL leaders sought to delay hiring a permanent City Manager until after elections, ensuring an SGGL-aligned council would control the decision.

Members noted that public messaging needed to be carefully curated, with some advocating for message approval before speaking on behalf of SGGL. This raises concerns about whether independent thought was being discouraged within the organization.

SGGL’s actions suggest a pattern of strategic election influence, ideological bias, and selective transparency, all of which conflict with the principles of good governance. While the organization promotes inclusivity and accountability, its internal strategies indicate a level of political maneuvering that contradicts those ideals.

One member even questioned SGGL’s definition of “nonpartisan,” only to receive this response: “Most of those who are interested in good governance do lean towards the left.”

Statement of co-existence

Less than a year after forming, five SGGL-endorsed candidates — Vicki Lowe, Kathy Downer, Rachel Anderson, Lowell Rathbun, and Brandon Janisse — won by wide margins. A month later, the Jamestown Tribal Newsletter celebrated tribal member Vicki Lowe’s victory; “Lowe and others formed the Sequim Good Governance League to promote transparency and a focus on local governance, not national issues.”

The newsletter applauded SGGL but chided the outgoing city council: “That Sequim City Council, comprised of mostly appointed members, had become controversial, starting with their opposition to the Tribe’s Medication Assisted Treatment (MAT) facility…”

Stacking the Sequim City Council with preferred candidates benefited the Jamestown Tribe, which has significant business interests within the city limits—including Jamestown Family Health, the MAT clinic, and a forthcoming psychiatric treatment facility. The Tribe’s excavation company also secures regular city contracts. In campaign races that typically saw little to no contributions, funding surged as the Tribe made substantial donations to candidates like Lowe ($1,000). Two years later, in 2023, the Tribe donated to Harmony Rutter ($1,200) and Dan Butler ($1,200), both of whom also won.

The relationship between SGGL-backed officials and the Tribe culminated in adopting a "Statement of Co-Existence and Government-to-Government Relationship" on May 28, 2024:

The city that we know as Sequim [sxʷčkʷíyəŋ “soo-ch-kwee-ing”] was once inhabited solely by first peoples known as the S’Klallam [nəxʷsƛ̕áy̕əm̕ “new-sklai-yem”] People, represented by the three Tribal Governments, Jamestown S’Klallam, Port Gamble S’Klallam, and Lower Elwha Klallam. Of these three Sister Tribes, the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe takes the lead in relationships with the City of Sequim while including the two Sister Tribes as determined by the Tribes.

We, the Sequim City Council and our partner, the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe, value co-existing respectfully and responsibly together for the purposes of stewarding the people, lands, and the institutions that serve us. Our governments do not work alone in isolation but care for each other’s communities. With enlightened awareness of the local history of this area, we commit to a continued partnership and collaboration as two sovereigns.

This statement of co-existence and government-to-government relationship is a respect to the S’Klallam People and their history.

The statement is printed on every Sequim City Council agenda and read at city meetings quarterly. Every two years, the mayor meets with the Jamestown Tribe to assess whether the acknowledgment remains appropriate. Sequim’s Planning Commission adopted a similar land acknowledgment that appears on every agenda.

Unlike a traditional land acknowledgment, these statements go beyond historical recognition, explicitly defining the relationship between the Sequim City Council and the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe as a "partnership." This framing can be seen as more than a symbolic gesture—it suggests an official endorsement of the Tribe’s role in city governance rather than a neutral acknowledgment.

The agreement emphasizes a "government-to-government relationship," establishing an ongoing, structured collaboration between the city and the Tribe. Given the Tribe’s extensive business interests in Sequim, this arrangement could create an uneven playing field in city decision-making, raising concerns about conflicts of interest and disproportionate influence.

This agreement further blurs the line between governance and special interest influence in the context of SGGL's selective transparency. It raises critical questions: Are city decisions being made with full public input, or are key discussions happening behind closed doors?

Transparency is good (unless it’s negative)

Initially, CC Watchdog viewed SGGL as a partner in promoting transparency, and SGGL shared articles on its Facebook page. However, when Watchdog's articles started to examine government decisions—like the diversion of funds from the Towne Road project to the Tribe—SGGL removed the posts from its Facebook page. SGGL’s leadership declined to clarify their reasoning when asked about the censorship.

Hello, I was just wondering why my last several "Clallam County Watchdog" posts haven't been approved? I just want to make sure I'm not violating any guidelines. Thanks!

Some were starting to get off topic and numerous. Discussions about whether Towne Road should be open or closed is probably for another community forum. If you can keep it relevant to good governance that would help. Thank you!

CC Watchdog pointed out that the articles about Towne Road were about transparency and accountability and asked SGGL if it was still committed to those values.

It is about promoting transparency and accountability, ethics, etc. SGGL's intent is to be nonpartisan and as such we have endorsed candidates on both sides of the spectrum and hope we continue to have more from both sides that fit the description we are seeking. We want to keep this page informative as to events and actions related to that but also give everyone room to breathe. Towne Rd in and of itself is not a topic to debate here but if you feel there has been a violation of the law or open public meetings act by all means ask the question or provide the information.

After a post about connecting veterans with county services was denied, CC Watchdog contacted SGGL again.

Jeff, the SGGL steering group met to provide feedback to you regarding ccwatchdog posts that you would like us to put up on the SGGL Facebook page. We are familiar with your posts and believe that you bring a different definition of good governance to your work. While your intent is to focus on transparency and accountability, we have observed that the opinions in your posts reflect a consistently negative spin on the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe, local governments, our community hospital, taxation, and local nonprofit organizations. We believe that having a watchdog can be important for a community, but your approach is having the effect of tearing the community apart rather than seeking positive solutions that build community; the opposite of what SGGL stands for. Accordingly, we will not be posting any of the ccwatch posts on the SGGL Facebook page.

Thank you for the response; I appreciate it. Could SGGL provide examples of CC Watchdog's negative spin on the Jamestown Tribe, local governments, our community hospital, taxation, and local nonprofit organizations?

Jeff, we think you are the best person to evaluate your content. And we see that you cross post your content in several places, so if people want to sign up to receive your notifications, they can easily do so.

When asked who the SGGL board and steering group members were, the organization did not respond. When CC Watchdog inquired if the group supported their endorsed candidates in holding a special meeting and waiving city council rules, they declined to comment. One SGGL board member did admit that she simply found Watchdog’s posts "negative."

The pursuit of happiness

CC Watchdog recently spoke with Sequim resident Victor Laszlo, who was previously featured in the article "Any Means Necessary to Stay in Power: An Immigrant's Perspective on the Direction of the County." In June, Laszlo raised concerns that the communist ideologies his family fled in 1980s Eastern Europe were making a comeback in Clallam County. After reviewing excerpts from SGGL’s meeting minutes and the new land acknowledgment, he wanted to share his thoughts with our readers.

British political philosopher John Locke wrote that governments are instituted to secure people's rights to ‘life, liberty, and property.’ In 1776, when Thomas Jefferson penned the Declaration of Independence, ratified on the Fourth of July, he edited out Locke's right to ‘property’ and substituted his own more ambiguous concept: the right to ‘the pursuit of happiness.’

There’s no explanation why the change was made, but my personal opinion is that when the words “all men are created equal” were put to paper, the pursuit of property, could not coexist in the same document, while other humans could be considered property. It took almost 100 years and a Civil War that claimed over 600,000 lives to abolish slavery, led of course by far right-wing politicians, like Abraham Lincoln. Then another 100 years later the Civil Rights Act of 1964 was passed with a higher percentage of far right-wing politicians in both house and senate voting in favor of ending segregation and discrimination.

But I digress. As a far right-wing citizen, I would love to see the day when we all embrace the true freedom exhibited by our Native American nations in the pursuit of “good governance”, and follow their lead in abolishing all property taxes, so we can be owners of the land, not renters. The current system leads to only one result: higher and higher taxes until a $350,000 home like the one I “owned” in Chicago requires a $700 per month property tax, collected with the threat of foreclosure and eviction at the point of the sheriff’s gun. At least the Globalist Communist Party, will be closer to their stated endgame: “You will own nothing, and you’ll be happy”!

Maybe since we far right-wing citizens abolished slavery and passed the Civil Rights Act, we also need to bring back the original view of the role of government, which was to protect Life, Liberty and The Pursuit of Property.

“We need to win the battle”

Victor Laszlo’s concerns are founded.

SGGL’s strategic approach was deliberate from the start. Meeting notes from February 4, 2021, reveal that founding member Tim Wheeler was tasked with letter-writing efforts. In the minutes, Wheeler said:

"We need to win the battle of ideas and keep our organization in front of people, in the public eye."

Wheeler’s background makes him a natural fit for managing SGGL’s written communications—his five decades in journalism include writing for The Worker and The Daily World, culminating in his tenure as editor of The People’s Weekly World, the official newspaper of the Communist Party USA.

Final thoughts

SGGL claims to champion transparency, accountability, and open dialogue. However, its actions suggest a different reality. By silencing critical voices, refusing to disclose leadership details, and aligning closely with influential political and economic interests, SGGL appears to contradict the very principles it claims to uphold.

There’s one more thing that Councilmembers Vicki Lowe, Rachel Anderson, Brandon Janisse, and Nicole Hartman have in common—their terms are up at the end of this year.

Last week, subscribers were asked what concerned them most about the financial ties uncovered in the article, and many commented that they wanted to pick more than one option. However, out of 256 votes:

• 45% said, “Potential conflicts of interest.”

• 27% said, “The influence of big donors.”

• 25% said, “Lack of transparency.”

• 2% said, “Nothing, it’s just politics

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Get involved

You can share your support, objections, or concerns with the Sequim City Council members by emailing them at: dbutler@sequimwa.gov, vlowe@sequimwa.gov, randerson@sequimwa.gov, bjanisse@sequimwa.gov, hrutter@sequimwa.gov, and nhartman@sequimwa.gov.

Newly appointed councilmember Kelly Burger recently filled Kathy Downer’s vacant seat and has not yet been assigned a city email.