After a teenage driver nearly killed a pedestrian near the Tumwater encampment, County Commissioner candidate Jake Seegers confronts the hard questions local leaders have avoided for years: How did Port Angeles allow dangerous encampments, rampant drug activity, and environmental destruction to flourish beside public roadways and salmon streams — and who will finally stop it? This in-depth article connects the crash, the policies, the funding system, and the leadership failures that critics say turned compassion into chaos.

A Close Call

May 5th was a typical Tuesday for the 4PA Clean-Up Crew. 4PA is a Port Angeles-based nonprofit focused on trash cleanup efforts and high-barrier transitional shelter services for people experiencing homelessness. We were preparing for our second cleanup site of the day along Tumwater Creek.

Founder Joe DeScala had already positioned the truck and dump trailer along the shoulder of the Tumwater Truck Route. I waited for a break in traffic so I could cross from where I had parked on the opposite side of the road, but cars continued streaming through the curves in both directions at a steady, fast pace. Passenger vehicles, log trucks, and dump trucks rumbled past just feet away as I hoped drivers were paying attention to their surroundings.

It is a dangerous location for 4PA employees and volunteers, but it’s the only way to remove the trash that piles up along the creek below.

And the trash never stops. Constant accumulation is a result of illegal camping that violates ordinances the City of Port Angeles fails to consistently enforce.

Illegal creekside encampments have exploded in recent years. Along with them have come thousands of pounds of human and solid waste: discarded clothing, blankets, tents, food containers, stolen shopping carts, and piles of drug-use supplies — many still unopened — from nearby harm-reduction distribution programs.

In a February interview with Radio Pacific Inc., Joe DeScala described the scale of the problem:

“In one waterway alone [Tumwater Creek], we average about 1,500 pounds of garbage removed every single week — 1,920 pounds today, actually. If we stop tomorrow, that accumulation would continue at the same rate. I’ve got the numbers to show it, and these would be directly in sensitive watersheds.”

That pace would total nearly 80,000 pounds of trash annually from Tumwater Creek alone.

On May 5^th, hours after 4PA finished cleaning, a different kind of tragedy struck.

One Instant. Two Lives Changed.

At 9:46 PM on May 5^th, two lives would be changed forever.

A 16-year-old female driver was heading northbound on Tumwater Truck Route, approaching the 8^th Street bridge.

Beneath the 8th Street Bridge, a pedestrian crossing over Tumwater Creek serves as a common access point to and from the encampments lining the creek corridor.

It leads to a clearing in the dense brush, opening onto a frequently occupied parcel of county-owned property.

This corridor is often active with Tumwater residents walking along the shoulders of the truck route in both directions, day and night.

That evening, it was already dark. There are no street lights illuminating the nearby entrance to Tumwater’s unsanctioned encampment. As the young driver rounded the bend near the bridge at approximately 40 MPH, she struck a pedestrian walking along the shoulder.

The vehicle's damage reflected the severity of the collision.

The pedestrian, identified as Brian Clewall, sustained injuries to his head, leg, and arm.

Photos from the scene showed his belongings scattered across the roadway beside a significant pool of blood.

A local resident of the Tumwater Encampment described the injuries as “major” and indicated they were nearly fatal.

According to the collision report:

“Unit 1 was traveling northbound on the S Tumwater Truck Route. Unit 1 did not see the pedestrian walking alongside the shoulder and struck him. She pulled over and called 911. I arrived on scene, and the pedestrian had major injuries to his foot and arm. The pedestrian was transported to the hospital.”

These five sentences describe a tragedy that should have never happened.

The Expansion of Harm

County leadership and the Port Angeles City Council have long embraced the distribution of drug-use supplies under the banner of “harm reduction.”

Meanwhile, the City has often refused to enforce ­illegal camping ordinances on public land in the name of compassion. But what officials describe as compassion has increasingly become a well-documented environmental and public health­­ catastrophe.

The human toll resembles cruelty far more than compassion: individuals trapped in addiction living among mounting refuse while fighting off rats and raccoons burrowing into tents.

Abundant services and access to drug-use supplies have created the Tumwater ecosystem of homeless camping and substance abuse.

• Free food is abundant (see list here)

• Showers are available at multiple locations, including taxpayer-funded locker rooms at Shore Aquatic Center.

• The Answer For Youth (TAFY) provides free tents, camping gear, and propane tank refills to all ages.

• Free healthcare services are readily available.

• Drug-use supplies are widely distributed.

• Drugs are openly bought and sold in known locations throughout the city.

• Clallam Transit conveniently connects these services at no cost to riders.

• Trespass ordinances on public land, such as those at the Tumwater Encampment, often go unenforced.

Public safety has been compromised by attracting and encouraging illegal activity as health officials hand out the supplies and instructions on how to get high, leaving their patients to creatively fund their addiction.

Under RCW 69.50.412 and RCW 69.50.4121, possession and distribution of drug paraphernalia are illegal.

In 2023, Washington added explicit exemptions for public-health-oriented harm reduction distribution.

In other words, it is a misdemeanor for ordinary citizens to possess or distribute drug paraphernalia, yet government-protected healthcare workers are exempt when distributing those same supplies in ways that facilitate illegal drug use in our community. Once those supplies are handed off to individuals intending to abuse drugs, criminal activity has been enabled, condoned, encouraged, and facilitated under the banner of public health.

These policy decisions have made Clallam County the destination of least resistance for homelessness and substance abuse, and have welcomed illegal communities like the Tumwater Encampment, where drug use is commonplace.

Listed among Mr. Clewall’s personal possessions was 17.2 grams of methamphetamine – a quantity unlikely to represent personal-use alone.

Tumwater is not officially sanctioned as a drug camp, but through persistent non-enforcement and active enabling, it increasingly functions as one.

This failed leadership nearly cost another life — this time not from overdose, but from the dangerous conditions created by allowing illegal encampments and drug use to thrive beside dangerous roadways.

Local Housing Last

Housing First — the belief that homelessness is solved by providing permanent housing without requiring sobriety, employment, or participation in treatment — has guided Clallam County policy since the county’s original 10 Year Plan to End Homelessness in 2005.

Yet homelessness continues to grow.

Part of the problem may be tied to how the system is funded. The federal HUD Continuum of Care grant awards consider “demonstrated local need.” Point-in-Time homeless counts, along with lengthy housing waitlists, are often used to justify additional or continued funding and resources.

In 2024, 2,408 households were on the waitlist for local permanent supportive housing.

By 2025 – only twelve months later - the waitlist had nearly doubled.

Meanwhile, Clallam County’s Point-in-Time Count (shown earlier) identified 310 homeless individuals, including 176 unsheltered — a meager 7.6% increase over the same period.

How did the housing waitlist increase by 86% in a single year while the Point-in-Time count of homeless individuals rose by only 7.6%? More importantly, why is the housing waitlist nearly fifteen times larger than the homeless population counted in 2025?

The disconnect is difficult to ignore. Thousands of individuals appear to be competing for local housing resources despite not being physically present and unsheltered in Clallam County.

In an economically depressed county with scarce resources and a strained tax base, local housing resources should prioritize local needs.

The Tumwater Fix

Working together, Clallam County and its municipalities, the Port of Port Angeles, the Clallam County Board of Health, the Sheriff’s Department, local police, fire, and EMS agencies, and social service nonprofits have an opportunity to reverse the decline in public safety and public health, protect environmentally sensitive areas and business districts, and restore public spaces to the communities they were meant to serve. Cities such as Spokane, Dallas, and San Diego have successfully implemented approaches.

Here’s how elements of those strategies could be applied in Clallam County:

1. Prioritize local housing resources for individuals currently residing in Clallam County. This may require wiping the housing waiting list clean and rebuilding it with individuals who are physically present and unsheltered in Clallam County.

2. Strengthen shelter policies to ensure services are supportive and attractive to those leaving outdoor living. Serenity House Shelter typically has dozens of vacant beds.

3. Expand transitional shelter capacity rather than focusing primarily on costly permanent supportive housing. Fast-track permitting and prioritize funding for transitional shelters similar to those operated by 4PA.

4. Redirect funding from drug-use supplies to treatment programs with measurable outcomes.

5. Remove the option to live outside on public land.

6. Prevent encampments from returning through consistent cleanups, volunteer ambassador patrols, regular inspections, and coordinated law enforcement presence.

The Choice

Housing and treatment — or move along.

Individuals living illegally on public land should be given a clear choice: enter shelter or transitional housing combined with mandatory treatment and case management, or move to a county that will accommodate their desire to live outside.

The Process

Grants Pass vs. Johnson affirmed the authority of cities to enforce anti-camping laws.

The Port Angeles City Council has the authority, through the Port Angeles Police Department, to lawfully remove the Tumwater encampment through established legal process. To date, it has largely failed to do so.

On Tuesday, May 19^th, at the Council’s upcoming meeting, city staff are expected to present long-awaited recommendations regarding homelessness and public safety. Residents should pay close attention to whether those recommendations finally include meaningful enforcement of public camping ordinances and protection of environmentally sensitive areas.

This is an opportunity for the City of Port Angeles to lead by example. However, if the City continues to refuse to act, the County has both the authority and obligation to intervene.

The County’s potential avenues include:

• Action through the Board of Health and the health officer under RCW 70.05.060 and RCW 70.05.070,

• Directing the Sheriff's enforcement authority of trespass, solid waste, reckless burning, and public nuisance

• Emergency declarations related to human health or environmental hazards

• Court-ordered cleanup and removal processes with appropriate due process protections, including clear notice of eviction and lawful opportunity for individuals to retrieve their belongings from storage.

Human waste, solid waste accumulation, and contamination of fish-bearing streams are not merely policy disagreements — they are public health and environmental hazards.

If the City will not act, the County must.

Public safety is not optional.

The Port Leads

The Port of Port Angeles deserves recognition for stepping forward and demonstrating leadership by clearing overgrowth and improving visibility along Tumwater Creek on Port property.

Before this effort, the area provided dense cover for encampments, illegal dumping, and drug activity.

Thick brambles often concealed vehicles associated with disturbing and unlawful behavior.

Today, those activities are far more difficult to hide.

The Port’s willingness to act stands in sharp contrast to years of paralysis elsewhere.

Now What?

Clallam County did not arrive here overnight.

Years of non-enforcement, policy drift, and enabling have transformed environmentally sensitive areas into illegal encampments marked by addiction, violence, human waste, and growing public danger. The collision on the Tumwater Truck Route was not an isolated tragedy. It was the predictable outcome of leadership that tolerated dangerous conditions in the name of compassion while abandoning basic standards of public safety and accountability.

Compassion without boundaries is not compassion at all. It is neglect.

Residents should not have to dodge needles on public trails, clean human waste from waterways, or watch young drivers navigate dark roadways beside illegal encampments that officials pretend not to see. Nor should individuals struggling with addiction be left to slowly destroy themselves in tents along fish-bearing streams while government agencies distribute the supplies that sustain the cycle.

The status quo is failing everyone.

The encouraging news is that this can change. Other cities have proven that consistent enforcement, transitional shelter, treatment, cleanup efforts, and coordinated leadership can reclaim public spaces and reduce dangerous encampments. Clallam County can do the same.

The Port of Port Angeles has already demonstrated what leadership looks like. By clearing overgrowth and restoring visibility along Tumwater Creek, the Port showed a willingness to act while others debated, delayed, and deferred responsibility.

Now the question is whether the rest of our local government will finally do the same.

Public safety is not cruel. Protecting waterways is not extreme. Enforcing laws is not oppression. These are the basic responsibilities of government.

The people of Clallam County have been patient long enough.

What can you do?

If you believe the status quo is failing both the community and those struggling with addiction and homelessness, now is the time to speak up.

• Contact all three Clallam County Commissioners by emailing the Clerk of the Board: loni.gores@clallamcountywa.gov

• Contact the entire Port Angeles City Council and urge meaningful action on public safety, environmental protection, and illegal encampments: council@cityofpa.us

• Attend the Port Angeles City Council meeting this Tuesday at 6:00 PM — in person or virtually — and consider giving public comment:

• Thank the Port of Port Angeles for taking the initiative to steward land along Tumwater Creek and improve visibility and safety beside a salmon-bearing stream. The port can be contacted at paulj@portofpa.com.

• Contact Clallam County Health Officer Allison Berry and ask what steps are being taken to address the growing public health and environmental concerns surrounding Tumwater Creek: allison.berry@clallamcountywa.gov

The people of Clallam County have been patient long enough. Public safety, clean waterways, and accountable leadership matter.

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See You This Afternoon in Forks

Editor’s Note: CC Watchdog editor Jeff Tozzer also serves as campaign manager for Jake Seegers during his run for Clallam County Commissioner, District 3. Learn more at www.JakeSeegers.com.

Another campaign sign gets destroyed. A county commissioner defends property destruction as a path to change. Overdose deaths fall—but who deserves the credit? Meanwhile, repeat offenders cycle through the system, activist groups fracture from within, and parents are warning each other about terrifying encounters at local parks. This week’s Social Media Saturday dives into the posts, photos, scanner chatter, and community debates shaping life in Clallam County—and asks the question many residents are already asking themselves: are things really safer than they were four years ago?

The One-Sided Sign War Continues

The Seegers campaign is spending time, money, and volunteer energy bringing every campaign sign into full PDC compliance after concerns over font sizing that could expose the campaign to $30,000 in penalties.

But compliance issues aren’t the campaign’s only problem. Signs are now disappearing.

One newly updated and fully compliant sign was recently stolen and destroyed. The metal stake was left behind, and an engaged CC Watchdogger captured the incident on camera.

And if there’s one thing people in Clallam County know by now, it’s this: if anyone can solve a mystery, it’s the CC Watchdog community.

With filing week now closed, the race for County Commissioner is officially a two-man contest between Jake Seegers and incumbent Commissioner Mike French.

That makes the contrast even sharper. Commissioner French has publicly stated that “property destruction is not only fine, it’s usually the only way we’ve ever seen actual change happen.”

But there’s another way to create change.

Build something.

Find a candidate you believe in. Donate. Knock on doors. Put signs out legally. Volunteer. Engage your neighbors. Participate in the process.

Whether residents support Jake Seegers or Mike French, many are discovering that building something you believe in is a lot more rewarding than destroying something you dislike.

Who Really Reduced Overdose Deaths?

Operation Shielding Hope launched in 2024 as a partnership between police, fire personnel, and community organizations focused on reducing overdose deaths and connecting survivors to treatment immediately after crisis intervention.

Commissioner Mark Ozias credited the county’s harm reduction efforts for a 33% reduction in overdose deaths compared to 2023. But the timeline suggests another major factor: the launch of Operation Shielding Hope by the Port Angeles Fire Department.

Unlike traditional harm reduction programs focused on distributing supplies, Shielding Hope emphasizes immediate paramedic response, relationship-building, and treatment referrals after overdoses.

Before the program, roughly 60% of overdose survivors reportedly refused help. Under Shielding Hope, officials say 78% engaged with services, compared to just 3% without paramedic intervention.

By May 2025, Fire Chief Derrell Sharp reported overdose deaths had dropped sharply, and Clallam County fell from having the second-highest overdose rate in Washington to outside the top ten.

Most overdoses occur in Port Angeles—the exact area where Shielding Hope operates. The timing aligns. The results appear measurable.

Which raises a political question heading into election season: if overdose deaths are declining because of a fire department-led treatment program, will county leaders credit the Port Angeles Fire Department—or frame the success as validation of expanded county harm reduction policies?

Justin Cox Is Back

Residents may remember Justin Cox from previous arrests involving stolen vehicles, methamphetamine possession, resisting arrest, and damaging emergency vehicles.

Then came the Carlsborg standoff last year.

According to law enforcement, Cox allegedly fired 25 to 30 rounds from an AK-style rifle toward deputies and armored vehicles after barricading himself inside a home and threatening officers.

Investigators say he claimed to be “the Messiah,” threatened to kill law enforcement, and used an elderly resident as cover while armed.

The situation escalated into a full tactical response involving crisis negotiators, armored vehicles, and chemical munitions before Cox was eventually arrested. No one was killed.

Now he’s back.

This week, Cox was arrested for obstructing law enforcement, resisting arrest, reckless endangerment, unlawful firearm possession, malicious mischief, felony harassment, and assault charges.

At the recent Public Safety Town Hall, attendees were asked whether Clallam County feels as safe today as it did four years ago. Out of 172 attendees, only three said yes.

One of them was Commissioner Mike French.

Is the League of Women Voters Really Nonpartisan?

At the national level, Indivisible openly aligns with Democratic Party causes and activism. They say so themselves.

No mystery there.

Indivisible Sequim has also publicly encouraged Democratic voter turnout in newsletters and organizing efforts.

Again—that’s their right.

But questions are increasingly being raised about organizations that simultaneously claim neutrality while appearing consistently aligned with one side politically.

This week, an Indivisible Sequim member posted about organizations supporting their efforts, including the League of Women Voters.

That caught people’s attention.

The League of Women Voters strongly markets itself as “nonpartisan,” which gives it credibility in election monitoring, civic engagement, and local government participation.

But critics increasingly argue the organization functions as functionally partisan while maintaining the protective branding of neutrality.

Residents searching for examples of the League supporting conservative causes or Republican candidates locally are struggling to find them.

Fair or unfair, skepticism is growing. And once public trust starts eroding, rebuilding it becomes difficult.

Trouble Inside Indivisible Sequim

Indivisible Sequim itself appears to be facing internal strain. Founder PJ Harris recently posted online that she was “in tears because I’m weary,” suggesting too few members are carrying the workload.

At the same time, critics continue accusing the organization of ideological gatekeeping—claiming people are excluded if they do not fully align with climate activism and social justice politics.

Meanwhile, former Sequim School Board member Jim Stoffer, who serves in a security-related role within the organization, has been accused of pushing out members who engage with CC Watchdog content.

Whether those accusations are fully fair or not, the organization appears increasingly fractured. And some are asking whether ideological purity tests are contributing to dwindling participation.

What Happened to Beth?

Earlier this week, an Indivisible Sequim member named Beth posted concerns about feeling unsafe and vulnerable online, expressing interest in blocking people who disagree with her politically.

That might sound understandable in today’s climate. But prior social media posts tell a different story.

Back in 2019, Beth expressed concerns many local residents shared: homelessness, drug use, garbage, public disorder, and rising crime. At the time, she appeared focused on practical solutions and concern for the community.

Fast forward several years, and her online rhetoric became dramatically more aggressive. Last year, she openly mocked the murder of political activist and commentator Charlie Kirk after he was killed while exercising his free speech rights.

That transformation raises uncomfortable questions.

How does someone move from concerned community member to celebrating political violence?
What role do activist echo chambers play?
What role do fear-based political messaging and social media radicalization play?

And perhaps most importantly: What has happened to civility in Clallam County?

A Frightening Warning From Carrie Blake Park

One of the most alarming social media posts this week came from a mother in Sequim warning parents after a terrifying encounter at Carrie Blake Park. According to her account, a man approached while her two-year-old daughter was on a swing and repeatedly demanded the child, telling the mother he “wanted” her daughter and “wouldn’t hurt” her.

The mother said she struggled to free her daughter from the swing as the man continued approaching. She eventually escaped and ran for help while calling the police. The suspect reportedly fled before officers arrived.

The post spread rapidly across community pages, with many parents expressing fear and frustration. And again the question resurfaced:

Are residents really safer today than they were four years ago?

Craig Gallauher: Out Already?

This week, social media lit up with warnings about Craig Gallauher allegedly riding throughout Sequim near parks, trails, and children’s areas.

Posts described him frequenting the Railroad Bridge area and various public spaces.

What shocked many residents was that Gallauher had already been arrested last year in connection with disturbing allegations involving children near a campsite south of Railroad Bridge Park.

According to law enforcement, two children told investigators Gallauher attempted to persuade them to remove their clothes and sit in what he allegedly called a “sex chair” at his encampment.

The children fled. Detectives later located a campsite matching their descriptions. Gallauher was arrested on multiple felony charges involving attempted sexual exploitation of minors and luring. Now residents are asking the obvious question:

Why is someone accused of crimes like this already back on the streets around public parks and trails?

Another Disturbing Park Incident

Another troubling social media post circulated after parents reported a man approaching children and asking to push them on swings and play on playground equipment.

One parent claimed the man was hiding inside a slide waiting for children to come down. When confronted by several fathers and asked whether he had children at the park, he reportedly answered, “No.”

Parents said several children were frightened. When people discussed recording him and waiting for the police, the man allegedly ran toward the bathroom area before later riding around near Sequim Middle School during volleyball activities.

The mother who shared the post said her goal was simply awareness and vigilance.

“Watch your babies closely,” she wrote. “NO child should ever feel this way.”

For many residents, incidents like these fuel growing concerns that Clallam County no longer feels as safe as it once did.

Flashback: Jim Stoffer and the Vigil

For this week’s social media flashback, we return to November 2021.

Former Sequim School Board member Jim Stoffer had just received a community service award while simultaneously facing criticism and censure efforts involving allegations of disclosing confidential school board information.

That controversy sparked intense political division locally.

Among those publicly rallying to Stoffer’s defense was Tim Wheeler—Sequim’s well-known communist activist—who organized a public vigil on Stoffer’s behalf.

Even Jamestown S’Klallam Chairman Ron Allen submitted a public letter defending Stoffer’s integrity and character.

In small-town politics, alliances can get complicated quickly.

Scanner Chatter of the Week

And finally, another week of scanner traffic brought more reports involving drugs, repeat offenders, disturbances, thefts, mental health crises, and transient-related incidents throughout Clallam County.

Many residents say they feel the county is changing rapidly—and not for the better. Others insist progress is being made. But one thing is undeniable:

Public safety, addiction, homelessness, and political accountability are no longer fringe issues in Clallam County.

They are now front-and-center election issues.

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West End Seegers Event Tomorrow

Who is plastering anti-Jake Seegers stickers across downtown Port Angeles? CC Watchdog readers think they know. And the trail of clues leads through environmental protests, activist networks, controversial public statements, and a prosecution that many residents still believe never delivered accountability.

It will surprise no one that the CC Watchdog community has spent a day and a half trying to solve the mystery of who has been placing anti-Jake Seegers stickers around downtown Port Angeles.

What may surprise readers is how many of the clues leading people toward the same names were hidden in plain sight — in past news articles, protest coverage, and public statements.

To be absolutely clear, CC Watchdog is not accusing anyone of placing the stickers. But many readers independently reached the same conclusions after reviewing publicly available photographs, activist activity, and prior statements.

And the similarities are difficult to ignore.

The Man in the Keffiyeh

One of the most noticeable details in the sticker footage is the scarf worn by the male suspect: what appears to be a black-and-white keffiyeh.

The keffiyeh is a traditional Middle Eastern scarf commonly associated with Palestinian nationalism and activism. While it is worn for many reasons, readers immediately connected it to a familiar local activist they had seen photographed wearing one before.

That man is believed by many readers to be Peter Stedman.

Stedman previously appeared in coverage surrounding the removal of Department of Natural Resources boundary markers connected to the Doc Holiday timber sale. According to reporting by Troublemakers Community, Stedman delivered removed DNR markers to Olympia as part of a protest action.

The removal of the markers was also documented in a Seattle Times video which featured Stedman .

Readers quickly noticed another detail.

Standing alongside Stedman in photos connected to the protest was Alexandria Fermanis.

According to Clallam County property records, the two share ownership of a home in Port Angeles.

That connection fueled further speculation online.

“I’m Going to Do Everything Within My Power”

Fermanis has become a controversial public figure due to political activism and inflammatory social media commentary. She previously drew attention after publicly mocking the assassination of Charlie Kirk, generating backlash that extended beyond Clallam County.

She worked as a recovery coach at Peninsula Behavioral Health before later moving to the Olympic Peninsula Community Clinic, where County Commissioner Mike French served as president.

More recently, Fermanis emailed County Commissioner candidate Jake Seegers with a blunt political warning:

“I’m going to do everything within my power not to get you elected.”

That statement is now being revisited by readers asking whether the sticker campaign could be part of that effort.

To Clallamity Jen’s credit, her blog publicly theorized that Alexandria Fermanis may have been behind the sticker campaign before photographs from the incident were ever published.

After the images later surfaced online, many readers said the clothing, appearance, and activist connections only intensified the speculation already circulating in local political circles.

Again, there is no direct public evidence tying either individual to the stickers. But many readers say the similarities in appearance, ideology, activist history, and prior statements are what led them to suspect the pair.

When contacted for comment, Fermanis responded:

“I can’t comment on something I know nothing about sir.”

The “Outsider” Contradiction

One of the more ironic details is that the man in the footage appears to be wearing a sweatshirt reading “F*** ICE” — a slogan commonly associated with opposition to immigration enforcement and support for more permissive border policies.

The contradiction is difficult to ignore.

On one hand, activists in these circles often advocate for open-border policies, sanctuary-style governance, and reduced immigration enforcement. On the other hand, the stickers attack Jake Seegers as a “carpetbagger” and an “out-of-town real estate investor.”

If newcomers moving into Clallam County are supposedly a problem, where exactly is the line drawn? Which outsiders are welcomed — and which are targeted?

The message appears less about opposing outsiders in general and more about opposing outsiders who challenge the county’s increasingly entrenched activist culture.

“It’s Just Stickers”?

Some residents say the sticker controversy matters less because the damage is minor.

But that misses the larger point entirely.

Recently, Commissioner Mike French defended placing stickers on public property during a public meeting, saying, “I think it was just a fun thing that I did.” Commissioner Mark Ozias supported the sentiment by framing the act as protected free speech.

That’s not protected by the First Amendment.

There is a major difference between free speech and defacing public property — especially when city workers, volunteers, and small business owners are left scraping adhesive residue off windows, signs, poles, and buildings.

To many residents, this is not about one sticker.

It is about whether political activists believe the rules simply do not apply to them.

The DNR Marker Controversy Still Lingers

The sticker controversy immediately revived questions surrounding the earlier DNR boundary marker incident.

Video footage showed activists removing public boundary markers connected to the timber sale dispute. Obvious criminal conduct occurring on camera.

Yet no prosecution ever materialized locally.

Clallam County Prosecuting Attorney Mark Nichols stated:

“I made the decision to outsource this case to minimize the appearance of impropriety.”

The matter was referred to Prosecuting Attorney Chad Enright in Kitsap County.

Since then, the case appears to have vanished into a black hole.

Recent questions sent to Kitsap County about the status of the case have gone unanswered.

When activists remove public markers, celebrate it publicly, appear in media coverage, and still avoid prosecution, we begin to wonder whether justice in Clallam County depends less on what was done — and more on who did it.

If the same individuals are involved in the sticker incidents, it may represent an escalation in behavior emboldened by the lack of accountability in prior cases.

After all, if activists believe there are no consequences, why would they stop?

The argument many residents are now making is simple: if someone gets away with what critics considered felony-level vandalism involving public land and taxpayer resources, why would lesser acts like sticker campaigns or political harassment feel off limits?

Critics say the same logic applies to Fermanis’ warning to Seegers that she would do “everything within my power” to stop his election. If the individuals involved believe there are no meaningful consequences socially, politically, or legally, then escalation becomes predictable.

The Rise of the Activist Class

To many longtime residents, the sticker saga is not an isolated controversy.

They see it as part of a broader activist culture increasingly intertwined with local government, advisory boards, nonprofits, and public institutions.

They point to figures like Jim Stoffer becoming embedded in local civic groups and public-facing organizations.

They point to activist appointments to county committees and boards.

They point to organizations influencing policy from behind layers of nonprofits, advisory committees, and “community partnerships” that ordinary taxpayers often struggle to follow.

Critics point to examples such as League of Women Voters activist Patrice Johnston being appointed to the Developmental Disabilities Advisory Committee, or Rae Heselbach — founder of an activist organization opposing the reopening of Towne Road — being elevated into county-facing civic discussions.

Others point to the growing overlap between environmental activism, nonprofit advocacy groups, and public advisory boards. Residents frequently mention figures connected to SisterLand Farms, League of Women Voters activism, and the Marine Resources Committee, including LWV activist Ann Soule, who has advocated for evicting residents from portions of 3 Crabs because of environmental concerns.

To critics, these are not isolated examples.

They believe Clallam County is increasingly governed by an interconnected activist class that rotates between nonprofits, advisory boards, political campaigns, and public institutions while ordinary residents struggle to have their voices heard.

And they argue the result is a political culture where activism is rewarded, accountability is selective, and common sense increasingly takes a back seat to ideology.

Call to Action

Residents who want answers regarding the DNR boundary marker case may wish to contact two prosecuting attorneys:

• Mark Nichols — mark.nichols@clallamcountywa.gov

• Chad Enright — CEnright@kitsap.gov

Citizens may wish to respectfully inquire about:

• the current status of the case,

• whether charges were ever considered,

• and why a publicly documented incident involving alleged vandalism of public property appears unresolved nearly a year later.

More Than Stickers

And maybe that is the real story here.

Not the stickers themselves.

Not even the speculation over who placed them.

The deeper issue is the growing feeling among Clallam County residents that there are now two different standards of accountability: one for ordinary citizens, and another for a politically connected activist class that increasingly moves between nonprofits, advisory boards, government committees, protest movements, and local political circles without consequence.

Residents watch activists remove government boundary markers and walk away without charges.

They watch elected leaders commit vandalism and dismiss it as “fun.”

They watch ordinary concerns about public safety, public property, and basic accountability brushed aside as if the public is simply supposed to tolerate it all.

And they are beginning to ask a very uncomfortable question:

Who is actually running Clallam County anymore?

Because if activists can openly target political opponents, damage public property, celebrate disruptive conduct, and still maintain influence inside the very institutions shaping county policy, many residents believe the problem goes far beyond a few stickers downtown.

To them, the stickers are simply a symptom.

The real issue is a political culture where ideology increasingly outweighs accountability — and where many ordinary citizens no longer feel represented by the people and organizations claiming to speak for the community

Today’s Tidbit: Meet Jake This Sunday

This Sunday, come meet Clallam County commissioner candidate Jake Seegers at the Westend Taproom Tip & Sip.

Grab a pint, enjoy a panini, sign the petition to reopen Hot Springs Road into Olympic National Park, and share your thoughts about what you want to see from county government.

If you like what Jake has to say, yard signs will also be available to take home.

Join us this Sunday, May 17th, at the Westend Taproom Tip & Sip in Forks starting at 4pm. We look forward to seeing you there.

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For years, the public has been told that tribal control automatically means better environmental stewardship. But court records, treaty disputes, commercial export operations, and decades of intertribal lawsuits tell a far more complicated story. From oyster farms inside wildlife refuges to fights over fishing territories, shellfish allocations, and commercial harvests headed overseas, the reality appears less spiritual and more economic. Now, as Protect the Peninsula’s Future continues its lawsuit over commercial oyster operations in the Dungeness National Wildlife Refuge, residents are asking a politically uncomfortable question: if everyone claims to be the “best steward,” why are they all suing each other over the resource?

The debate over tribal stewardship on the Olympic Peninsula just took another turn.

Protect the Peninsula’s Future (PPF) recently updated supporters on its ongoing federal lawsuit against the U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service over commercial oyster operations connected to the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe inside the Dungeness National Wildlife Refuge.

According to PPF, the core issue is simple: the Tribe allegedly received permits from Clallam County, the Washington Department of Ecology, and the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers to commercially grow oysters on 34 acres inside the refuge — but the U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service never completed a required “compatibility determination” analyzing whether the operation would harm refuge wildlife.

PPF argues federal law is clear that wildlife conservation must remain the priority on refuge lands. The organization says the Refuge System Improvement Act requires federal managers to ensure “biological integrity, diversity, and environmental health” are maintained before new uses are approved.

Then came another twist.

According to the update, the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe attempted to intervene directly in the lawsuit, arguing that a ruling against the project could financially harm the Tribe. The federal court reportedly denied the request twice, leading to an appeal before the Ninth Circuit.

And that is where this story becomes much larger than one oyster farm.

Because the public is constantly told that tribal management is inherently superior stewardship — almost spiritual in nature — and that criticism of tribal resource control is somehow anti-environmental.

But history paints a more complicated picture.

The “Best Steward” Narrative Meets the Courtroom

If tribal stewardship were universally aligned and environmentally harmonious, why are tribes so frequently suing each other over fish, shellfish, and harvest territory?

The legal record is extensive.

A 2005 federal subproceeding involving the Skokomish Tribe, Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe, and Port Gamble S’Klallam Tribe centered on disputes over Hood Canal fisheries and whether certain harvests violated prior agreements tied to the Boldt Decision framework. The litigation became so complicated that counterclaims were split into separate proceedings.

That wasn’t isolated.

In 2019, another Ninth Circuit case revisited tribal fishing disputes rooted in the Boldt Decision — the landmark 1974 ruling that dramatically reshaped treaty fishing rights in Washington state.

There are also long-running territorial disputes involving the Lummi Nation and S’Klallam tribes over fishing areas and treaty interpretations stretching back decades.

In other words, this isn’t a simple story of “wise stewardship versus reckless outsiders.”

It is often competing governments fighting over highly valuable commercial resources.

And the stakes are enormous.

This Isn’t Just Subsistence Fishing

Another uncomfortable reality rarely discussed publicly is the scale and commercialization of many modern tribal fisheries.

According to the Northwest Indian Fisheries Commission and related fisheries documents, treaty tribes participate in major commercial harvests involving Pacific whiting, sablefish (blackcod), shrimp, shellfish, geoduck, and sea cucumber fisheries.

One documented example states tribal divers harvested approximately 150,000 sea cucumbers in a single 2020 season.

These are not symbolic harvests intended merely to “feed the village.”

This is industrial-scale commerce.

Some of those products enter lucrative export markets in Asia, particularly China.

That matters because the public narrative often frames treaty harvests as purely local, sustainable, low-impact food gathering deeply connected to place and tradition.

But much of the seafood economy today operates like global capitalism because that’s exactly what it is.

Commercial buyers.
Export markets.
International pricing.
Competing allocations.
Territorial disputes.
Federal litigation.

That doesn’t automatically make it wrong.

But it does make the rhetoric surrounding it far less romanticized than what many residents are led to believe.

So Who Gets To Claim Moral Authority?

That may be the most politically sensitive question of all.

Because increasingly, residents are being told that tribes should exercise greater control over wildlife refuges, fisheries, tidelands, shoreline management, salmon restoration policy, and even broader land-use decisions because they are supposedly uniquely qualified stewards of the land.

But if stewardship is genetic, spiritual, or culturally automatic, why do tribes themselves frequently end up in adversarial court battles over harvest boundaries, allocations, shellfish beds, and commercial rights?

Who decides which tribe is the “better steward” when tribes disagree with each other?

The Skokomish?
The Squaxin?
The Lummi?
The Jamestown S’Klallam?
The Lower Elwha Klallam?
The Makah?
The Quileute?
The Puyallup?
The Port Gamble S’Klallam?

And if the answer ultimately becomes “whoever wins in federal court,” then perhaps this debate has far less to do with sacred stewardship and far more to do with power, economics, and control of valuable natural resources.

That may not fit neatly on a bumper sticker.

But it is increasingly difficult to ignore.

Today’s Tidbit: The Front-Page Push for Volunteer Labor

It made the front page.

And notably, it was not written by Sequim Gazette newsroom staff. The article was authored by the Tribe’s communications and publications specialist. In other words, the Tribe effectively received front-page space in the local paper to promote its own messaging and programs in what reads more like institutional public relations than independent reporting.

Not a story about a struggling nonprofit.
Not a tiny grassroots conservation club operating on bake sales and spare change.

A front-page story about the Jamestown Corporation’s Refuge Management Program and its partnership with the Dungeness Nature Alliance recruiting volunteers to help trap invasive European green crabs on the Dungeness Spit.

According to the article, more than 40 community volunteers are already participating in the effort through the Dungeness Nature Alliance (DNA), a volunteer partnership involving the Refuge Management Program and the Dungeness River Nature Center.

The article describes volunteers spending hundreds of hours trapping crabs, recording biometrics, entering data, and supporting field operations throughout the season.

That raises an interesting question.

Why is an organization tied to a tribal corporation reportedly generating well over $100 million annually relying so heavily on unpaid community labor?

Especially when that corporation ultimately benefits from the same marine ecosystems being protected.

The volunteer handbook gets even more interesting.

Volunteers are thanked for “donating” their time not only to the Dungeness Nature Alliance, but also to the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe itself. The handbook says volunteers will receive training on Jamestown S’Klallam tribal history and culture, refuge program goals, and organizational values. It also emphasizes that volunteers should “accurately and respectfully reflect diversity in everything we do.”

In other words, this isn’t simply “show up and trap crabs.”

It appears to function partly as environmental volunteerism, partly as public outreach, and partly as institutional brand-building tied to tribal management of refuge lands and marine ecosystems.

And again — this is occurring while ongoing litigation continues over commercial oyster operations within the Dungeness National Wildlife Refuge itself.

So residents may reasonably wonder:

If the operation is large enough to support industrial aquaculture, extensive fisheries interests, land acquisitions, hospitality ventures, medical enterprises, and major development projects… why is the public still being asked to provide free labor to manage the environmental consequences surrounding those same protected ecosystems?

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Can you identify these two individuals who were recorded placing stickers in downtown Port Angeles labeling Jake Seegers a “carpetbagger” and “another out-of-town real estate investor”?

CC Watchdog has reviewed the video, and the footage clearly shows these two individuals placing the stickers at a downtown location. Because the small business involved fears retaliation, we are not releasing the video footage or disclosing the exact location at this time. However, the incident has been independently verified.

Downtown businesses, volunteers, and city crews are increasingly being left to deal with vandalism, graffiti, and politically motivated sticker campaigns. Just last weekend, the growing sticker problem was mentioned in local coverage as a nuisance impacting downtown Port Angeles.

Now, the community is asking: who is doing it?

If you recognize either of the individuals shown in these images, leave a comment or contact CC Watchdog directly. Accountability matters, regardless of political viewpoint. Small businesses should not be forced to spend time and money removing unauthorized stickers and cleanup debris from their storefronts.

We can do this, Watchdoggers.

Let’s identify who has been defacing downtown Port Angeles and leaving the cleanup to others.

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Futurewise and its GreenLink partners want to daylight lower Valley Creek and turn parts of Port Angeles into a new creek-and-trails corridor. Supporters call it environmental restoration. Critics see a costly vision that could require property acquisition, impact industrial land near the waterfront, and eventually burden taxpayers with another park the city struggles to maintain. The Port of Port Angeles has signaled it does not support plans that interfere with waterfront operations, yet the project continues moving forward with grants, NGO backing, and regional political support tied to the NODC — where Clallam County Commissioner Mark Ozias serves in leadership.

In the podcast: Public comment highlights from the commissioners’ meeting.

It Started With an Email

Futurewise is a Seattle-based environmental and “smart growth” nonprofit involved in land-use planning, housing policy, climate initiatives, and environmental restoration projects across Washington state. One of its local efforts is “GreenLink Port Angeles” — a long-term vision to reshape parts of Port Angeles through connected parks, trails, stormwater projects, and restored creek corridors using what planners call “green infrastructure.”

Supporters describe GreenLink as an effort to improve salmon habitat, recreation, walkability, and climate resilience. Critics see something much larger: a gradual but transformative land-use agenda driven by NGOs, grants, advisory committees, and regional planning groups rather than direct public demand or voter approval.

That debate intensified after an April 23 presentation to the North Olympic Development Council (NODC).

During the meeting, Futurewise representative Susannah Spock presented updates on the “GreenLink Port Angeles Master Plan for Valley Creek.” Afterwards, NODC staff circulated the presentation to community leaders and noted that additional background materials and feasibility studies may eventually be posted online.

At first glance, the slides look harmless enough: salmon, trails, stormwater, trees, and community visioning.

But buried inside the presentation are references to:

• property ownership,

• acquisition planning,

• vehicle circulation,

• industrial constraints,

• and future economic studies.

That is when this stops looking like a simple environmental cleanup project and starts looking like a major land-use proposal.

The presentation itself openly states the project was funded through the EPA and Washington Department of Ecology.

Greenlink Nodc Presentation 2026421

2.75MB ∙ PDF file

Download

Download

A “Property Acquisition Map” Should Get People’s Attention

By Slide 13, the presentation includes something called a “City property acquisition map.”

This project is not being proposed in an empty field. It runs through developed parts of Port Angeles near businesses, roads, utilities, industrial property, and waterfront infrastructure.

Slide 11 of the presentation says the planning process examined:

• property ownership,

• legal and historical context,

• pedestrian and vehicle circulation,

• creek routing alternatives,

• and more.

Again, that is not just “planting trees.” That is planning around existing private and public land.

The City of Port Angeles’ own 2022 feasibility-study packet says the lower Valley Creek watershed is already “highly developed” and includes major constraints involving:

• industrial and commercial uses,

• stormwater infrastructure,

• utilities,

• contaminated soils,

• and circulation issues.

Why Valley Creek?

One of the biggest questions critics raise is simple:

Why Valley Creek?

Valley Creek is not currently a fish-bearing stream in the area being discussed, and the project itself reportedly still faces a major upstream fish-passage problem, including an approximately 8-foot drop further upstream.

Meanwhile, residents point out that Tumwater Creek — an actual fish-bearing stream — already struggles with homeless encampments, garbage, environmental degradation, drug activity, and public safety concerns.

So critics are asking:

• If the city already struggles to protect Tumwater Creek, what happens when another urban creek park is created?

• What prevents a future Valley Creek trail system from becoming another unmanaged encampment corridor?

• Who pays for security, cleanup, maintenance, and enforcement?

Those concerns are not theoretical anymore in Port Angeles.

Residents have watched camps spread near waterways, parks, trails, and public spaces for years.

The glossy renderings in the GreenLink presentation show peaceful walking trails and restored habitat. One slide literally transforms an industrial-looking corridor into a green pedestrian creek park.

But nowhere in the presentation is there a serious discussion about:

• long-term park security,

• camping enforcement,

• public drug use,

• sanitation,

• or the costs of maintaining another vulnerable urban greenspace.

The Port and Futurewise Are Not on the Same Page

The Port of Port Angeles may not have passed a formal resolution opposing the Valley Creek project, but its own planning documents make one thing very clear: protecting the working waterfront comes first.

The Port’s 2024 Recreation and Public Access Plan repeatedly states that public access and recreation must remain compatible with:

• industrial and marine-trades activity,

• freight movement,

• maritime operations,

• and long-term economic development.

That matters because the GreenLink proposal envisions transforming parts of the waterfront area into green infrastructure corridors, trails, and public-access spaces — the exact kinds of changes that can conflict with industrial waterfront operations.

The GreenLink documents themselves acknowledge those challenges. The planning materials discuss:

• property acquisition,

• circulation changes,

• infrastructure conflicts,

• industrial land constraints,

• and impacts to surrounding businesses.

At the same time, the Port has been actively pursuing marine-trades and industrial development projects nearby.

Those two visions do not naturally align.

One side sees a restored creek corridor and public greenspace. The other sees working waterfront land that supports jobs, shipping, marine trades, and economic activity.

Port planning documents repeatedly stress that recreation must not interfere with industrial waterfront operations — language that strongly suggests the Port has little interest in seeing key waterfront property transformed into another experimental urban restoration project.

The Money Doesn’t Exist Yet

Another major issue: funding.

The City’s own feasibility materials acknowledge that the lower Valley Creek corridor is heavily developed and filled with major constraints. The documents also make clear that the current grants fund planning work — not construction — meaning the project would depend on substantial future funding, additional studies, and further phases before any major work could move forward.

Despite that, the project continues moving forward through grants and planning phases.

The Puget Sound National Estuary Program lists a $100,000 award connected to the “GreenLink Port Angeles Valley Creek Stormwater Park.” Futurewise also later sought consultants for an economic study tied to the Valley Creek daylighting project and future capital funding applications.

In other words:
the project may not have construction money, but it continues building momentum through planning grants, studies, outreach, and stakeholder coordination.

Who Is Driving This?

The GreenLink Advisory Committee (GLAC) reportedly included environmental organizations, agency representatives, consultants, and tribal participation.

According to the City packet, participants included:

• the Lower Elwha Klallam Tribe,

• Washington Sea Grant,

• Olympic National Park,

• City representatives,

• environmental planners,

• and restoration professionals.

The same City materials specifically reference:

• tribal cultural interests,

• environmental justice,

• and tribal restoration interests connected to Valley Creek.

Meanwhile, NODC — the organization hosting the presentation — prominently features tribal land acknowledgment language on its website and includes tribal governments among its membership.

Clallam County Commissioner Mark Ozias serves as Vice President of the NODC.

That raises a broader public question:
How much influence should NGOs, unelected advisory groups, and grant-funded planning organizations have over the future of Port Angeles property, waterfront development, and public land policy?

The Bigger Concern

Supporters see GreenLink as restoration.

Critics see the early stages of something much larger:

• property acquisition,

• shifting waterfront priorities,

• expensive long-term obligations,

• and another urban park system that the city may struggle to control or maintain.

And after watching what happened around Tumwater Creek, many residents are no longer convinced that simply creating another “green corridor” automatically improves a city.

Sometimes it just creates another place government cannot manage.

Today’s Tidbit: Another Transient Sex Offender Arrives in Clallam County

Clallam County has attracted another transient sex offender.

Why?

Because this county is increasingly becoming the path of least resistance — a place where transients can arrive, blend in, access services, and remain largely disconnected from accountability. Critics say the combination of permissive policies, weak enforcement, endless social services, and publicly funded harm-reduction programs has helped turn Port Angeles into a destination for troubled individuals from outside the region.

According to the Washington sex offender registry, 32-year-old Mikel Adam Couch is now listed as a transient in Port Angeles.

Couch’s criminal history comes out of Texas and includes:

• Online Solicitation of a Minor for Sexual Conduct

• Two convictions for Possession of Child Pornography

Texas records show he was still registered there as a sex offender as recently as March of this year.

According to a 2019 CBS Texas report, Couch was among multiple suspects arrested during an undercover Internet Crimes Against Children operation in Tarrant County.

Police said undercover officers posed as minors online to identify adults attempting to arrange sexual encounters with children.

Investigators said Couch believed he was meeting a 15-year-old girl.

According to the report, Couch later consented to a search of his cellphone, where investigators reportedly discovered four videos of child pornography.

And now he is reportedly transient in Port Angeles.

Residents are asking an increasingly uncomfortable question:

Why does Clallam County continue attracting people like this?

Many locals argue that the county’s policies advertise that Port Angeles is a place where transients can access:

• free supplies,

• publicly funded services,

• relaxed enforcement,

• camping tolerance,

• and harm-reduction programs with few meaningful barriers.

Critics also point to the county’s Harm Reduction Health Center, where individuals can receive free drug paraphernalia and shower vouchers for the Shore Aquatic Center.

That policy was approved by the Shore Pool Board, which includes Commissioners Mike French and Randy Johnson, Port Angeles City Councilmembers LaTrisha Suggs and Mark Hodgson, and community member Greg Shield.

So residents are left wondering:

How did Clallam County become a place where transient offenders from Texas end up living near parks, trails, schools, and public facilities — while local taxpayers fund the systems supporting them?

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Indivisible Sequim says it’s worried about a “mole” leaking screenshots to CC Watchdog. But the bigger story may be the man at the center of it all: Jim Stoffer. Long before moderating progressive Facebook groups and lecturing others about “safety,” Stoffer was embroiled in Coast Guard protest controversies involving accusations of unreliable testimony, suppression of demonstrators, and allegations of harassment of anti-war activists. Decades later, critics say the same patterns—control, secrecy, retaliation, and intimidation—continue to follow him through local politics, education, and public service.

For a group that claims to stand for “democracy,” “inclusion,” and “human rights,” Indivisible Sequim seems awfully concerned about people reading what they write.

According to screenshots, members of the group are now warning each other that someone inside their private Facebook community is sharing posts with CC Watchdog. One member warned that the “CC Watchdog franchise” was screenshotting posts and comments from local Indivisible groups.

Others discussed operating with “a bit of stealth” for future “pop-up” activities.

But perhaps the most revealing comments came from the group’s moderator himself: Jim Stoffer.

Stoffer described a “Safety Security Team” that stays alert “like a Border Collie” for “the Watchdog and his minions.” [Note: Indivisible Sequim is shortened to “IS.”]

At the same time, members insisted they had “nothing to hide” — even while discussing how to identify the “mole,” tighten internal security, and remove people who do not ideologically align with the group.

If all of this sounds familiar, it should.

Because according to public records, sworn testimony, investigative reports, and years of controversy, accusations surrounding Jim Stoffer have followed a remarkably consistent pattern for decades.

And it did not begin in Sequim.

The Coast Guard Years

Long before becoming involved in Sequim politics and education, Stoffer was involved in controversies surrounding anti-war protests during Seattle’s Seafair Fleet Week events.

Documents from the Ground Zero Center for Nonviolent Action accused the Coast Guard of using “no protest zones” to push demonstrators out of public view during Navy events.

The documents specifically referenced Lt. James D. Stoffer by name.

According to a 2010 fact sheet distributed by activists, one Peace Fleet participant was “falsely charged and tried in a Coast Guard hearing.” The document states that a Coast Guard Hearing Officer later ruled that “Lt. James D. Stoffer… had given ‘unreliable’ testimony.”

Another detailed filing submitted to the Department of Transportation went even further.

Activist Glen Milner accused the Coast Guard of a “long history of harassment of demonstrators” and specifically alleged that he had been “framed” by Stoffer during a Seafair protest enforcement action.

Milner wrote:

“To protect the Coast Guard, the Coast Guard Hearing Officer on the case ruled that Lt. James D. Stoffer’s testimony was only ‘unreliable.’”

The broader accusations involved infiltration of activist groups, monitoring protestors, suppression of speech, and efforts to minimize demonstrators’ visibility during public Navy events. The controversy became serious enough that a Department of Justice report on domestic advocacy investigations later discussed the monitoring of Peace Fleet activists and Coast Guard intelligence activities.

Today, critics say the irony is hard to ignore.

In 2019, Stoffer publicly posted Coast Guard values on social media:

“HONOR — Integrity is our standard. We demonstrate uncompromising ethical conduct and moral behavior in all our actions.”

“RESPECT — We treat each other with fairness, dignity and compassion.”

“DEVOTION TO DUTY — We seek responsibility, accept accountability…”

Yet critics point to years of accusations involving unreliable testimony, retaliation claims, secrecy, activist monitoring, and political targeting and ask a simple question:

Were those values ever actually practiced?

Sequim School District Controversies

The Coast Guard controversies would not be the end of public conflict surrounding Stoffer.

Years later, he became deeply embroiled in Sequim School District controversies that generated lawsuits, sworn testimony, allegations of retaliation, and enormous community division.

CC Watchdog and other local outlets have extensively documented allegations that Stoffer:

• Nearly faced censure while serving on the Sequim School Board.

• Resigned amid controversy.

• Was accused of sharing confidential information with a tribal ambassador while serving in public office.

• Gave contradictory testimony during a federal investigation connected to the district.

• Was accused of attempting to damage the careers of rivals who challenged district leadership.

• Continued exerting influence in local education circles even after controversy engulfed the district.

Critics have repeatedly questioned how Stoffer continues receiving appointments and influence despite years of conflict surrounding his public conduct.

That criticism resurfaced recently in a letter sent to Olympic Educational Service District leadership.

A concerned resident wrote directly to OESD Superintendent Dr. Leavell [aleavell@oesd114.org], questioning why Stoffer still serves as the District 5 representative and warning that his continued involvement causes discomfort for people who previously dealt with him professionally.

The resident wrote:

“In my view, his past actions have resulted in substantial financial lawsuits for taxpayers, and has negatively impacted the reputation of the district.”

The resident also warned that Stoffer’s continued presence at official events remained “a point of significant distress” for some individuals.

The letter concluded by urging the board to seek a new representative.

Security, Secrecy, and “The Mole”

Now the same themes appear again inside Indivisible Sequim.

A supposedly inclusive activist organization is now discussing “moles,” internal monitoring, stealth tactics, and ideological gatekeeping.

Applicants reportedly undergo extensive vetting questions involving race, climate activism, social justice commitments, and opposition to the “MAGA agenda.”

Meanwhile, members openly discuss concerns over screenshots becoming public.

And once again, Jim Stoffer appears in the middle of it.

The same man once accused in Coast Guard protest controversies involving surveillance, activist monitoring, and suppression is now moderating discussions about “security teams,” “moles,” and ideological outsiders inside a local political activist group.

And what makes the situation especially striking, critics say, is the contradiction at the center of it all.

Many of the same individuals expressing fears about screenshots, criticism, public exposure, and “bullying” have themselves participated in campaigns designed to pressure, isolate, or publicly target others. Indivisible Sequim members have openly discussed boycotting local businesses that do not align with their political views.

Members of Indivisible Sequim have argued voters should reject candidates because of their Catholic faith.

Activists associated with these movements have encouraged students to skip school for political causes while presenting themselves as defenders of tolerance and inclusion.

Yet when scrutiny is directed back toward them, the language suddenly shifts to “safety,” “security,” “stealth,” and fears of harassment.

For critics, the issue is not that Indivisible Sequim is being bullied.

The issue is that a group accustomed to applying social and political pressure to others appears deeply uncomfortable receiving public scrutiny itself.

And critics say it becomes even more troubling when these activities continue receiving legitimacy and support from the supposedly “nonpartisan” League of Women Voters.

For many residents, Jim Stoffer’s incidents feel less like coincidences and more like a decades-long pattern.

A pattern involving control.
A pattern involving secrecy.
A pattern involving ideological gatekeeping.

And a pattern involving retaliation against critics while simultaneously claiming victimhood when criticism is returned.

Meanwhile, local residents are left wondering how someone like Jim Stoffer repeatedly connected to this level of controversy continues to maintain influence in education, activism, and public life across Clallam County.

Because regardless of political affiliation, one thing is becoming harder and harder to ignore:

The controversies surrounding Jim Stoffer never seem to end.

Today’s Tidbit: How Many Chances Does One Person Get?

Sunday brought a fire scare to Port Angeles — this time at the Fairmount Restaurant, where emergency crews responded to a reported burn complaint and possible arson investigation involving David Waddell, according to scanner traffic.

If that name sounds familiar, it should.

Because for years, Waddell has repeatedly appeared in scanner reports, police incidents, fire calls, and public disturbances throughout Clallam County — while local taxpayers continue footing the bill for the endless cycle of emergency response, law enforcement, cleanup, and public safety risks.

According to public scanner reports and incident logs:

• March 16, 2022: An RV being used as Waddell’s residence exploded into flames near the old Humane Society property on Highway 101. Fire crews reported propane cylinders inside the RV, nearby structures threatened by the fire, and a major emergency response. The RV was a total loss.

• April 23, 2022: Scanner traffic reported Waddell allegedly attempting to burn a gate using a propane tank and blow torch.

• May 14, 2022: Waddell was reportedly associated with suspicious or possible drug activity at IGS while also carrying a misdemeanor DUI warrant.

• September 25, 2022: Scanner reports again referenced suspicious activity involving property connected to Waddell near the old Humane Society site.

• March 13, 2023: Scanner traffic indicated Waddell had a DUI warrant with bail reportedly set at $80,000.

• November 30, 2025: Scanner reports described Waddell allegedly outside screaming in the street after reportedly earlier being naked in public.

• January 2026: Scanner traffic referenced a California warrant for possession of dangerous drugs and identified Waddell as a convicted felon with prior DOC involvement.

  

• And now Sunday, 2026: another fire-related emergency response tied to Waddell.

At what point does the public get to ask whether this revolving-door system is actually compassionate — or simply enabling chaos?

Residents are constantly told Clallam County needs more money, more services, more harm reduction, more housing programs, more outreach teams, and more “resources.” Meanwhile, ordinary taxpayers watch the same names appear over and over in fires, warrants, disturbances, drug incidents, EMS calls, and law enforcement contacts.

And while working families struggle with inflation, housing costs, and public safety concerns, local government continues expanding programs that hand out free drug paraphernalia, including crack pipes and smoking supplies, under the banner of “harm reduction.”

The uncomfortable question many residents are asking is simple:

How many public resources should one chronically destructive individual be allowed to consume before accountability finally enters the conversation?

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Commissioner Mike French recently called himself “pretty close to a free speech absolutist.” That may surprise residents who remember public comments being cut short, monthly Q&A forums canceled, and one critic suddenly losing Zoom video access after challenging the county’s story on the Dungeness Reservoir. The bigger problem? That critic, John Worthington, keeps turning out to be right.

“I am pretty close to a free speech absolutist,” Commissioner Mike French told the gallery during a Board of Commissioners meeting last month.

“I think that the First Amendment is one of the most important amendments that exists,” French continued. “It is fundamental to American democracy. It changed the world when it was instituted.”

French explained that he intentionally allows broad public participation during meetings, even when comments drift away from agenda items. He said that even if fellow commissioners pushed him to tighten the process, “I wouldn’t do so.” If a meeting runs an extra 30 minutes because citizens are speaking, French said, that is time well spent.

It was a remarkable statement from a commissioner, given that meeting attendees had spent years observing him doing the exact opposite.

For more than three years, residents attending Clallam County commissioner meetings have watched public comments interrupted when they drifted away from agenda items. Critics of the board were often cut off abruptly at the three-minute mark, while supporters received additional time. Monthly commissioner forums were canceled due to time constraints; make-up sessions were not rescheduled, and the forums — the only chance for residents to engage in two-way dialogue — end precisely at 11:45 a.m., even when constituents are still waiting to ask questions.

Now, however, French is running for reelection under a new campaign slogan:

“I show up. I listen. I deliver.”

That may explain why the listening suddenly feels new.

The Day the Video Suddenly Stopped Working

The clearest example came in March 2024 during a public comment session held over Zoom.

“No video allowed? Is that what’s going on here?” asked a remote participant after realizing his camera feed had been disabled.

“Go ahead,” replied Board Chairman Mike French.

“I have no video,” the commenter responded.

“Yes, we can hear you,” French reassured him.

“Why am I being censored?” the commenter asked.

“So, this is a limited public forum,” French explained. “You’re allowed to make comments. We’re not required to give you full access to every feature on Zoom.”

The explanation immediately raised eyebrows in the room because Zoom video participation had already become common practice during commissioner meetings following the pandemic. Residents across Clallam County — particularly those in remote areas like Forks and Sekiu — had relied heavily on video participation and screen-sharing to present documents, photos, statistics, and road conditions without driving hours to Port Angeles.

Even more confusing, video and screen-sharing had already been allowed earlier in the very same meeting.

One Towne Road landowner had routinely used Zoom video to argue against reopening Towne Road.

On other occasions, a University of Washington student activist group had been allowed to use screen-sharing while advocating that the Towne Road levee should not function as a public road.

But on this particular day, the rules changed.

Enter John Worthington

The resident whose video access had been disabled was John Worthington.

Worthington had become increasingly critical of statements made by Commissioner Mark Ozias and county leadership regarding the Dungeness Reservoir and other county issues. This was the first time Worthington had participated in public comment since an article had been published questioning the county’s public narrative surrounding those matters.

The gallery noticed the sudden restriction immediately.

Commissioner French attempted to justify the change by pointing out that other agencies often impose even stricter limitations during virtual meetings.

“I’ll just point out that if you join other virtual meetings of other public agencies in the area, you’re not even allowed to unmute,” French said.

At the close of the meeting, French again addressed public comment rules and reminded attendees that the county is not actually required to provide open public comment periods.

“We go over and above what the state requires because we want people to have an opportunity to provide feedback on general county business to us,” he said. “There has been a recognized trend of people weaponizing these platforms to pursue hate speech… I don’t think that we have a problem with hate speech, but I just want to make it clear that many other communities have.”

A resident in the gallery then asked the obvious question:

“What’s the policy on video?”

“We’re not required to accept video public comments,” French answered.

Another attendee followed up:

“Is there a policy though? No more video going forward?”

French responded that county policies existed within county code and administrative policies, though he admitted, “I can’t tell you off the top of my head what it says exactly.”

The strangest part of the exchange was that Worthington had been allowed to use video and screen-sharing during the earlier public comment session just 30 minutes before. After his comments became critical of county leadership, the rules appeared to change specifically for him.

Commissioner Mark Ozias later stated that he supported developing additional policies governing public comment.

The Problem With Selective Rules

Freedom of speech does not simply mean allowing approved opinions while restricting critics. Government entities are expected to apply rules consistently and impartially, especially when public participation is involved. When one resident is allowed to share video and documents while another suddenly loses those privileges immediately after criticizing county leadership, it naturally creates concerns about viewpoint discrimination.

That concern becomes even more significant considering Worthington’s history with the commissioners.

In November 2024, Worthington publicly questioned county officials about a contract with Cascadia Consulting Group. Commissioner French initially claimed he did not recognize the company.

“I’m at a loss as to what that group would be,” French said at the meeting.

County officials similarly suggested they were unaware of any significant relationship with the consultant.

But Worthington was correct.

The county had entered into an active contract with Cascadia six months prior. The contract was worth $369,535, and the county had issued a payment to the company just weeks earlier.

After staff searched county records during the meeting, officials acknowledged the contract existed.

That history matters because it helps explain why some residents believe Worthington was not being treated as a neutral public commenter. He had become a persistent critic who had uncovered uncomfortable information.

And that is what makes French’s recent “free speech absolutist” comments so politically awkward.

COVID Restrictions and Political Messaging

French now speaks passionately about the importance of the First Amendment and open public participation. Yet many residents remember the COVID era, when local government restrictions affected movement, business access, employment, and public participation throughout the county.

They also remember French publicly defending vaccine verification requirements at his former restaurant, First Street Haven, in 2021.

“So I stood at the door to my restaurant yesterday and today and asked customers for proof of vaccination,” French wrote at the time, explaining that only a small number objected or walked away.

“Social media is not an accurate representation of reality,” he added.

Critics see a contradiction. Constitutional liberty and freedom of movement were treated very differently during COVID than they are in today’s reelection messaging about free speech and public participation.

“Leave Your Politics Out of Disneyland”

French’s own social media posts have also complicated the image of a principled “free speech absolutist.” In one Disneyland post, French joked about seeing visitors wearing MAGA hats and wrote: “leave your politics out of Disneyland, boners.”

Humorous? Probably.

Consistent with a free speech absolutist philosophy? Perhaps not.

The Bigger Question

The larger issue now facing Clallam County voters is not whether Commissioner French supports free speech in theory. Most politicians claim they do.

The real question is whether those principles are applied consistently — especially when the speaker is critical of county leadership.

Because when John Worthington supported positions favorable to county leadership, Zoom video worked just fine.

When he became a problem, suddenly it did not.

Today’s Tidbit: Saturday Morning Hangover

The following photos were taken Saturday morning in Port Angeles by a contributor who wishes to remain anonymous. The sender titled the email: “French’s Clallam County.”

According to the source, Saturday mornings are especially rough because the Harm Reduction Health Center is open Fridays, meaning many users have just received fresh supplies and paraphernalia.

The contributor said a woman was sitting against a wall behind Safeway with a white sheet draped over her head and was not moving. According to the source, the man with her appeared so impaired that he was unable to monitor her condition or safety. Concerned for the woman’s wellbeing, the contributor contacted law enforcement.

Many of the scenes were photographed directly in front of Clallam County’s Health and Human Services building on 3rd Street, across from the “UnSafeway.” Tents, open drug use, loitering, and trash continue to dominate the area surrounding county property.

At a recent Public Safety Town Hall, Commissioner Mike French said public spaces would improve when ordinary citizens show up and begin using parks again to reclaim them.

That raises an obvious question: if simply “showing up” is the solution, why isn’t the county reclaiming its own property first?

Recently, Stacey Richards filmed activity at the Veterans Bell encampment beside the courthouse — a memorial space honoring local veterans. According to Richards, individuals using drugs there told her it was “private property” and that she was not allowed to film or even be present.

All of this is happening next door to Commissioner Mike French’s office.

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In this powerful Sundays With Seegers podcast-only episode, County Commissioner candidate Jake Seegers sits down with Port Angeles community advocate and entrepreneur David Rogers for one of the most candid conversations yet about addiction, recovery, public safety, and the failures of modern harm reduction policies.

Rogers doesn’t speak as an outsider. He openly discusses years of addiction, arrests, jail time, treatment programs, and the shame that ultimately pushed him to change his life. “Most of the people I know who are clean ended up arrested,” Rogers says during the interview, arguing that consequences—not endless enabling—often became the turning point for recovery.

Now nine years into recovery, Rogers is a husband, father of three daughters, business owner, mushroom farmer, and founder of the Olympic Peninsula Fungi Festival—a wildly successful event that brings thousands of visitors to Port Angeles during the shoulder season.

The festival has grown into the largest mushroom festival in the Pacific Northwest, featuring workshops, excursions, live music, cooking classes, vendors, camping, and a celebrated culinary mushroom feast.

But the heart of this episode is Rogers’ blunt assessment of today’s addiction policies. “I don’t think that should be something that we should be making easy,” Rogers says about open-air addiction and public drug use. “There needs to be consequences because those consequences start to make you reconsider your actions.”

From shocking stories about public drug use near the courthouse to deeply personal reflections about recovery, treatment, and rebuilding a life, this is a conversation that will challenge assumptions—and leave listeners thinking long after it ends.

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Editor’s Note: CC Watchdog editor Jeff Tozzer also serves as campaign manager for Jake Seegers during his run for Clallam County Commissioner, District 3. Learn more at www.JakeSeegers.com.

The article sparked a fiery debate online—and exposed just how divided the Olympic Peninsula has become over public land, public access, and who gets to control the conversation.

For years, local residents have raised concerns that more and more public land is quietly moving toward tribal control, co-management, or federal arrangements that reduce local input. Now the debate is front and center.

Jamestown S’Klallam Tribal Vice Chair Loni Greninger told KUOW:

“If we’re able to remove some of that less-local control from us, we are able to care for the land more deeply and, I would say, more correctly because we are here and we know the land. We’re intimate with it.”

Greninger continued:

“When these ancestral territories were taken from us in the old days, this is a chance for us to come back to our family. It’s like a family reunion, and we get to bring our family back into our arms.”

What the article never really addresses is the financial side of this arrangement. Taxpayers would still largely foot the bill for land management, infrastructure, and restoration efforts. The public loses direct control, but continues paying for it. The tribe receives the authority, prestige, and long-term leverage. The taxpayer receives the invoice.

And if you think people should at least be allowed to debate that publicly without censorship… well, welcome to the next story.

“Protecting Democracy” By Controlling What You’re Allowed To Read

Backed by the League of Women Voters, local Indivisible groups are now openly discouraging members from sharing articles from CC Watchdog.

One administrator posted:

“This group discourages re-posting article from entities (for example, CC Watchdog) who do not align with our values. Re-posting is AMPLIFYING their voices and will be removed.”

Interesting.

Because CC Watchdog’s values are transparency, accountability, viewing public records, government oversight, and giving ordinary residents a louder voice than the entrenched special interests.

So what exactly are the conflicting “values” here?

Apparently asking uncomfortable questions is now considered dangerous. Apparently allowing competing viewpoints is now “harmful.” Apparently democracy now requires approved reading lists.

The irony is difficult to ignore. A movement that constantly warns about authoritarianism is simultaneously policing speech, limiting discussion, and deciding which local news sources people are permitted to share.

You can’t spend years screaming about fascism while moderating Facebook comments like a hall monitor for approved political thought.

If your ideas are strong, you don’t need censorship to protect them.

Picking Up Garbage Apparently Makes You A White Nationalist Now

Speaking of Indivisible…

One member posted:

“Sounds familiar? The Seegers campaign is full of clean up photo ops.”

The comment linked to a CBS News story titled: “When the volunteer helping after a hurricane is a white nationalist.”

Let’s discuss.

County commissioner candidate Jake Seegers participates in cleanups of Tumwater Creek. He picks up discarded needles from beaches. He removes tires and trash from shorelines. He volunteers downtown during community cleanup events.

And somehow… that now invites comparisons to white nationalism?

That’s the argument?

At some point, political tribalism becomes parody. When cleaning garbage from salmon habitat is treated as extremist behavior, maybe the problem isn’t the volunteers.

Maybe the problem is a political culture so consumed by ideology that it can no longer recognize ordinary civic responsibility.

Perhaps it’s time for the League of Women Voters to reconsider which organizations it chooses to amplify.

Sad, But Understandable

Keep Olympic Hot Springs Road Closed Forever?

Despite widespread support for reopening Olympic Hot Springs Road and restoring vehicle access into the Elwha Valley, some activists are openly advocating for permanent closure.

One local commenter wrote:

“The best possible outcome for the Elwha River and its watershed, it’s to abandon the road and attempts to rebuild it.”

That argument may sound familiar.

Residents heard many of the same claims during the Towne Road controversy. The public was told road access was environmentally problematic—until disaster struck. A home caught fire. Emergency responders were forced into a lengthy detour. A family became homeless, and their dogs died.

Infrastructure debates often sound abstract until emergencies happen.

What happens if a major wildfire erupts deep inside Olympic National Park and Olympic Hot Springs Road becomes the fastest access route for emergency crews? What happens when public access disappears permanently in the name of a “temporary” environmental necessity?

Road closures have consequences beyond recreation brochures and environmental slogans.

Socialism Comes To The Library

Socialism has officially arrived on the Olympic Peninsula—and apparently it now comes with library programming.

At the Port Angeles Public Library, residents are being invited to learn what socialism is and why they should join the movement.

One featured volunteer activity? Helping weed the Jamestown Tribal garden because funding was lost.

That’s where things become especially fascinating.

The Jamestown Corporation has publicly celebrated generating more than $100 million annually for a tribe with roughly 200 local members. Yet residents are simultaneously being encouraged to volunteer their labor because the organization needs help maintaining gardens.

There may not be a more perfect real-world socialism lesson than this:

The working class volunteers pull weeds while the connected institutions accumulate wealth, land, influence, and government partnerships.

No textbook required.

Narcan Today… Harm Reduction Classes Tomorrow?

With the passage of the North Olympic Library System levy—and growing discussions about distributing Narcan through libraries—it raises an obvious question:

How long before local libraries follow the example of the Seattle Public Library and begin hosting harm reduction training workshops?

One Seattle training was hosted by the People’s Harm Reduction Alliance, an organization with connections to Clallam County.

Its Operations Director is Lisa Al-Hakim.

Al-Hakim previously worked for Clallam County Health and Human Services as a Harm Reduction Specialist.

Residents have increasingly questioned where the line exists between libraries, activism, healthcare outreach, and political advocacy—and whether taxpayers ever truly voted for that transformation.

Meanwhile, On The Police Scanner…

Another week on the Olympic Peninsula, another stream of chaos over the airwaves:

But don’t worry.

The real threat, apparently, is people picking up garbage and sharing the wrong Facebook articles.

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Today’s Tidbit: 🚨 NEXTDOOR ALERT 🚨

William on Nextdoor stated that CC Watchdog posts first-source documentation that may challenge their ideologies and make them uncomfortable.

Frequent commenter Jon also reminded everyone that “well spoken dialogue” is frightening.

Jon, please keep monitoring William closely while defending democracy from dangerous outbreaks of independent thought. Here’s Jon fighting fascism in front of the courthouse during a recent Indivisible rally.

Reddit commenters are labeling county commissioner candidate Jake Seegers “MAGA in a Patagonia jacket” and accusing him of attacking harm reduction and criminalizing homelessness. But are they actually debating his policies—or simply using national political labels to shut down discussion? Read the attacks against Seegers for yourself, compare them to his published priorities, and decide whether this online discussion is really about public safety, accountability, and quality of life in Clallam County—or just another attempt to turn local politics into a national culture war.

First — Come Meet Jake Today!

🌲🎪 Head to the FREE Sequim Logging Show today and stop by the Clallam County Watchdog booth starting at 4pm to meet county commissioner candidate Jake Seegers!

🪵 Support one of Sequim’s favorite traditions while enjoying great food, vendors, logging events, and community fun for the whole family!

🪧 Need a Jake yard sign?
We’ve got signs available!

⚠️ Already have a Jake sign?
We’ll give you FREE stickers to bring signs into compliance and help the campaign avoid a potential $30,000 fine.

🏔️ Also, stop by and sign the petition to reopen Olympic Hot Springs Road and restore access to Olympic National Park through the Elwha entrance!

🤝 Jake looks forward to meeting you, hearing your concerns, and talking about the future of Clallam County.

📍 Sequim Logging Show
🕓 Starting today at 4pm
🎟️ FREE admission

Come celebrate the hardworking spirit, history, and community that make Clallam County special! 🌲🇺🇸

Can’t make it? See you tomorrow at the Logging Show starting at 11am.

Reddit vs. Reality

Over the last several weeks, Reddit threads discussing county commissioner candidate Jake Seegers have exploded with accusations, labels, and assumptions.

Reddit Thread #1

Reddit Thread #2

Some commenters raised legitimate questions. Others launched into sweeping political attacks that say more about modern online discourse than they do about Clallam County itself.

And since my name keeps coming up repeatedly in those discussions, let’s address it directly.

Yes, I’m Jeff Tozzer.
Yes, I run CC Watchdog.
And yes, I’m Jake Seegers’ campaign manager.

Now let’s talk about the actual substance of what’s being said.

“MAGA Candidate”

One commenter described Jake as:

“He’s a MAGA conservative with a fresh coat of ‘environmentalism’ and a Patagonia jacket.”

Others echoed similar sentiments:

“Yeah reading his stances I classify him for me as MAGA not Independent by a long shot.”

And another claimed:

“He’s a hardcore Trump supporter trying to manipulate people into supporting him.”

Okay.

What specifically are the “MAGA” stances?

That’s not a dodge. It’s a serious question.

Is wanting safer public spaces “MAGA”?
Is questioning harm reduction outcomes “MAGA”?
Is asking whether taxpayer-funded programs are working “MAGA”?
Is wanting cleaner waterways “MAGA”?
Is supporting public accountability “MAGA”?

Because when you actually read Jake’s priorities page, you’ll find views about:

• public safety,

• affordable housing,

• accountability,

• permitting reform,

• economic growth,

• environmental stewardship,

• and measurable outcomes.

Those are local government issues.

Yet somehow, in today’s political climate, even talking about public safety or environmental cleanup immediately triggers national political labels.

That should concern everyone.

The Real Point of the Labels

What’s happening here is bigger than Jake Seegers.

Modern political discourse increasingly avoids debating actual policy and instead jumps immediately to identity branding. Once someone is labeled “MAGA,” many people stop asking questions entirely.

That’s the strategy.

The label becomes the argument.

Because it’s much easier to attach someone to a national tribe than it is to debate local outcomes:

• Is downtown Port Angeles cleaner?

• Are fewer people dying from overdoses?

• Are parks and trails safer?

• Are taxpayers getting measurable results?

• Are environmental conditions improving?

• Is government more transparent?

Those are much harder conversations.

“Anti-Tribe”

One commenter identified me as “anti-tribe,” and others say I target the Jamestown Corporation unfairly.

So let me ask directly:

Cut and paste something I’ve written that is anti-tribe.

Seriously.

I’ve asked questions about one of the largest and most politically influential corporations and governments in Clallam County. That is called public commentary, and it used to be called “journalism.”

When a powerful organization:

• seeks control over land,

• requests federal trust transfers,

• influences local policy,

• expands economically,

• acquires property,

• funds political campaigns,

• or seeks co-management arrangements involving public resources,

should local media simply stay silent?

Should nobody ask questions?

Would the same standard apply to:

• Walmart?

• Amazon?

• Rayonier?

• the county government?

• a developer?

• a nonprofit?

• the Port of Port Angeles?

Of course not.

Questioning powerful institutions is not hate.
Criticism is not bigotry.
Public scrutiny is not discrimination.

I’m gay. People criticize me and criticize my articles all the time. Does that automatically make them homophobic?

The 4PA Attacks

Some of the most extreme comments involved 4PA and cleanup efforts near Tumwater Creek.

One commenter described 4PA as:

“If the police had a nonprofit to do things the police aren’t allowed to do.”

The same commenter accused volunteers of:

“Stealing and/or throwing away heirlooms, valuable tools, and the only shelter some people have.”

Cleanup operations around camps deemed abandoned after law enforcement sweeps were also criticized.

Tumwater Creek and the surrounding watershed areas have become environmental disaster zones in some locations:

• garbage,

• human waste,

• needles,

• contamination concerns,

• abandoned camps,

• and debris piles.

Volunteers have spent countless hours removing tons of trash from sensitive habitat areas and public spaces.

So why are the people cleaning up the mess becoming the villains?

That question deserves an honest answer.

Because if environmental stewardship only matters when it aligns politically, then it isn’t really environmental stewardship at all.

“Vacation Rental Owner” and “Hedge Fund Manager”

Another commenter wrote:

“It’s difficult for me to imagine how a former hedge fund manager/vacation rental company owner is going to relate to and support the best interests of the average Clallam County resident.”

Fair enough. That’s a legitimate political concern.

But it’s also worth asking:
Should successful business experience automatically disqualify someone from office?

Jake’s background includes:

• managing businesses,

• operating lodging,

• investing,

• hospitality work,

• substitute teaching,

• ranch work,

• volunteering,

• and direct community involvement.

Reasonable people can decide whether that experience is valuable or not.

But again, that’s a real policy discussion — very different from simply shouting “MAGA.”

“No Solutions”

One commenter argued:

“What I don’t hear is him actually bringing any real solutions to the table.”

Then read his priorities page.

Seriously.

You may disagree with his proposals, but saying he has no solutions while ignoring his actual published platform isn’t fair.

Critique the policies.
Debate the priorities.
Challenge the numbers.

That’s healthy.

But too much of this discussion has devolved into guilt-by-association and national political branding instead of serious local debate.

The Bigger Problem

This is what local politics has become across America.

School board races become national culture wars.
County races become ideological tribal battles.
Local concerns get swallowed by presidential politics.

And once that happens, actual community outcomes become secondary.

Maybe Jake Seegers wins.
Maybe Mike French wins.

But voters deserve a debate centered on:

• public safety,

• housing,

• homelessness,

• environmental conditions,

• taxes,

• accountability,

• and quality of life in Clallam County.

Not just another round of “MAGA” accusations designed to shut down discussion before it even starts.

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The Jamestown Corporation’s newsletters used to be publicly available online. Now they’re much harder to find. But when the county’s second-largest and fastest-growing employer quietly outlines its plans, projects, partnerships, political relationships, land ambitions, and economic advantages, the public should probably pay attention. This review of the Tribe’s May 2026 newsletter raises serious questions about who is shaping the future of Clallam County, who benefits, and whether the public’s interests are increasingly taking a back seat to tribal expansion and influence.

If you want to know where power is moving, don’t watch the speeches — watch the land, the money, and the partnerships.

The Jamestown Corporation’s May 2026 newsletter reads less like a community bulletin and more like a roadmap for expanding influence across the Olympic Peninsula.

And perhaps most importantly, much of it is happening with little public discussion.

The Wildlife Refuge Question Nobody Can Answer

The centerpiece of the newsletter is Chairman Ron Allen’s continued push for transferring the Dungeness and Protection Island National Wildlife Refuges into tribal trust ownership.

But here’s the question nobody seems willing to answer clearly:

Why?

Tribal members already have access to the National Wildlife Refuges because they are American citizens. The public already has access. The Tribe already co-manages and participates in stewardship activities.

So why pursue sole ownership and federal trust status?

The newsletter explains that the refuges attracted more than 75,000 visitors in 2025 and says one goal is to “educate the public regarding Indigenous values and cultural history.”

Clallam County has a population of roughly 78,000 people. The Tribe is openly discussing using these federal lands to educate a population roughly equivalent to the size of the county itself.

That’s not simply conservation language. That’s cultural and political influence language.

And once land enters trust status, local government loses authority over it permanently.

“Wars Fought on the Spit” — Or Something Else?

Allen’s article references “wars fought on the spit in the 1800s that resulted in an Indigenous burial site.”

But local historical accounts describe something far more specific and far less romanticized than “wars.”

In September 1868, a group of Jamestown raiders attacked a camp of Tsimshian Indians on Dungeness Spit before dawn. Historical accounts describe the attackers collapsing the victims’ shelter before killing 17 men, women, and children with clubs, knives, and firearms. Only one survivor—a wounded pregnant teenager—escaped to the lighthouse, where she was reportedly given protection by the white lighthouse keeper.

According to Dungeness Massacre and Other Regional Tales, published in 1961, the Jamestown tribal members involved in the massacre were arrested and given two days to dispose of the victims’ remains. The account states:

“Contrary to general belief, the Clallams did not bury the dead enemy on the beach. Instead the bodies of the Chimseans along with that of Lame Jack were placed in the largest of the canoes, in the bottom of which holes were bored, and set out to sea. A strong southeast wind carried the funeral barge filled with dead bodies to the deep water of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, where it sank, bringing an end to the tragic episode.”

If this historical account is accurate, the bodies were not buried on the spit itself. It is also important to acknowledge a detail often glossed over in modern retellings: those killed on Dungeness Spit were murdered at the hands of Jamestown tribal members.

That distinction matters.

Because when historical events are reduced to vague phrases like “wars fought on the spit,” the public loses critical context and nuance. A targeted massacre is not the same thing as a generalized battlefield conflict. And when these historical narratives are invoked today as part of arguments for transferring control of a national wildlife refuge, accuracy becomes even more important.

Rebranding the Spit Has Already Begun

One of the more subtle entries in the newsletter may actually be one of the most revealing.

The Tribe proudly highlights “Poetry-Line Paths” signs now installed along the Dungeness refuge trails in partnership with the North Olympic Library System.

Culturally, symbolically, and institutionally, this is how landscapes slowly become redefined.

New signage.
New interpretive framing.
New historical narratives.
New cultural branding.

The newsletter openly celebrates the effort to “correct” kiosk signage and incorporate tribal governmental and cultural messaging into the refuge experience.

Again, the question isn’t whether tribal history deserves recognition.

Of course it does.

The question is whether the public fully understands that this is part of a much broader long-term effort to reshape ownership, management, branding, and authority over public lands.

Environmental Stewardship — For Everyone Else

Another recurring theme throughout the newsletter is environmental stewardship, salmon recovery, climate action, habitat restoration, buffers, and ecological protection.

Yet many local residents have noticed what appears to be a very different set of standards when tribal economic projects are involved.

The Jamestown Corporation continues to push for commercial net pens. The Corporation was able to build a gas station adjacent to salmon-bearing Jimmycomelately Creek and is now planning another on Miller Peninsula. Meanwhile, geoduck and other shellfish harvested locally are flown overseas to Asian markets as part of large-scale commercial operations.

Wetlands were filled and altered during expansion projects at the Cedars at Dungeness Golf Course, and today, anyone driving Highway 101 can see massive earthmoving activity underway at the Salish Trails RV Resort site — on land that was formerly a wetland.

At the same time, ordinary property owners routinely face growing environmental restrictions, wider buffers, expensive permitting hurdles, and escalating compliance costs in the name of habitat protection and climate stewardship.

That’s where many residents see hypocrisy. Environmental standards often appear uncompromising when applied to homeowners, farmers, and small businesses, yet far more flexible when major tribal commercial projects are involved. For critics, it increasingly feels like environmental absolutism for the public — and economic flexibility for politically connected projects.

The Nitrous Oxide Crackdown — But Cannabis Is Fine?

The newsletter celebrates the Tribe’s support for banning retail nitrous oxide sales statewide.

The article frames it as a public health victory.

But critics may reasonably ask another question:

Why is nitrous oxide treated as an intolerable threat while heavily taxed cannabis sales remain a major tribal business?

One obvious difference is taxation.

Cannabis generates enormous tax revenue. Nitrous oxide didn’t.

And unlike many non-tribal businesses, tribes operating under sovereign frameworks can retain significant financial advantages in how cannabis revenues and taxation structures operate.

So while the Tribe pushes aggressively to eliminate one intoxicating product from competitors’ shelves, it continues profiting from another highly regulated intoxicant market.

Whether people agree or disagree with cannabis legalization, the economic incentive here is difficult to ignore.

Political Relationships Continue to Blur

Buried in the Culture Department section is another noteworthy detail.

Pete Tjemsland — currently serving on the Sequim City Council — is identified as leading ground crew coordination for canoe journey practices.

Why does this matter?

Because Tjemsland recently voted in favor of Sequim sending a letter supporting transfer of the wildlife refuges to the Tribe.

Again, none of this is illegal.

But the overlap between tribal initiatives, local elected officials, nonprofit partnerships, cultural programming, and public institutions continues to grow deeper and more interconnected.

Food Distribution Based on Identity

One section of the newsletter promotes a Jefferson County Food Bank Pop-Up event specifically for “BIPOC and 2SLGBTQIA people and their families,” with no income verification required.

The event is hosted through the Jefferson County Immigrant Rights Advocates Multicultural Center.

Many readers will likely ask:

Would a whites-only or heterosexual-only food distribution program ever be tolerated?

And why exactly is this being highlighted in a tribal newsletter? More importantly, why is a Tribe that generates over $100 million annually promoting a program encouraging roughly 200 local tribal members to access free food distributions intended for identity-based groups — without any income verification requirement?

The Visit That Never Made Headlines

The newsletter casually mentions that Washington Secretary of State Steve Hobbs visited the Jamestown Tribal Library and staff recently.

Most Clallam County residents probably never heard about it.

No major headlines.
Little public discussion.
No broad media attention.

Yet one of the state’s highest-ranking elected officials quietly visited tribal facilities.

That alone speaks volumes about where influence and political relationships increasingly flow.

Tax-Free Expansion and the 7 Cedars Empire

The newsletter also highlights major upgrades coming to 7 Cedars Resort, described as “The entertainment capital of the Olympic Peninsula.”

And to be fair — the Tribe has undeniably built a successful enterprise.

But it’s worth acknowledging the enormous structural advantages involved.

Imagine operating major commercial properties without the same property tax burdens, lodging taxes, or many of the regulatory burdens faced by competing businesses.

That advantage compounds year after year.

Meanwhile, surrounding governments increasingly ask ordinary taxpayers for levy lid lifts, fee increases, and higher taxes to maintain services.

Subsistence — Or Commercial Harvest?

The newsletter also discusses halibut harvest opportunities, noting:

“The fishery is currently open seven days a week and fishermen can harvest up to 5,000 pounds of halibut per day.”

At some point, residents are fair to ask:

Is this subsistence fishing?
Or commercial-scale economic activity?

The Bigger Picture

None of this is an argument against tribal citizens, tribal culture, or tribal success.

But it is absolutely fair to ask whether the balance of power in Clallam County is shifting in ways the public barely understands.

The Jamestown Corporation is growing economically.
Expanding institutionally.
Acquiring influence culturally.
Building political partnerships.
Seeking additional land control.
Increasing its role in education, conservation, healthcare, tourism, and public policy.

And much of it is happening quietly, incrementally, and often with the enthusiastic support of local governments and institutions that rarely apply the same scrutiny they would to anyone else.

That’s exactly why these newsletters matter.

And exactly why the public should still be allowed to see them.

Tribal Newsletter May 2026 Digital

8.05MB ∙ PDF file

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Today’s Tidbit

Clallam County is updating its Parks Comprehensive Plan — the document that will shape the future of county parks, trails, recreation areas, and public access for the next 10 years.

Why should people care? Because once these plans are adopted, they help determine where money goes, what projects get prioritized, and who helps shape the future of public land. And that’s especially important right now as Jamestown CEO Ron Allen has been working closely with Commissioner Mark Ozias on discussions about “taking over” the Dungeness Recreation Area.

📅 Upcoming Public Forums About Park Comp Plan

📍 Port Angeles — Thursday, May 7
🕐 1:00 PM – 2:30 PM
📚 Port Angeles Main Library

📍 Sequim — Thursday, May 7
🕕 6:00 PM – 8:30 PM
🎙️ KSQM Studios

📍 Forks — Monday, May 11
🕚 11:00 AM – 1:00 PM
📚 Forks Library

📍 Clallam Bay / Sekiu — Monday, May 11
🕕 6:00 PM – 8:00 PM
🏘️ Sekiu Community Center

💻 Can’t attend?
The County says an online version will remain open through May 24. Click here for details.

Sometimes the biggest long-term changes happen quietly through “planning processes” that few people pay attention to until after the decisions are already made.

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A second deposition tied to the turmoil inside the Sequim School District has surfaced, and this time the picture is harder to dismiss. First obtained and reported by the Olympic Herald, the sworn testimony adds to a growing body of evidence suggesting that what happened inside the district was not isolated. Complaints appearing in sequence. Information circulating before it should. Individuals operating behind the scenes. With many of the same names still influencing the district today, the question is no longer what happened—but whether anything has changed.

A Second Deposition—and a Pattern Taking Shape

This is now the second deposition to emerge from the same period of conflict inside the Sequim School District.

At the time of this testimony, Superintendent Regan Nickels was already part of district leadership. Current board members like Eric Pickens, Maren Halversen and Patrice Johnston were serving. And former board member Jim Stoffer—who features prominently in the testimony—remains active today through the Olympic Educational Service District, continuing to influence education across the region.

That continuity matters.

Because the behavior described in the deposition does not read like a one-off conflict. It reads like a system.

Complaints That Were Anticipated—Not Discovered

One of the most troubling elements of the testimony is the suggestion that multiple complaints against district personnel were not independent events, but part of a coordinated sequence.

“They were all part of this — filing these complaints back-to-back-to-back…”

But the deposition goes further than timing. It raises questions about how influence may have been used once those conflicts were underway.

The witness describes what he believed was a pattern of escalating, targeted actions directed at him and his family. According to his testimony:

“He [Stoffer] attempted to get my wife and I fired from our jobs by filing fictitious complaints against us.”

He goes on to describe a specific incident that, in his view, crossed a line:

“He was so bold as to absolutely lie that I was making racist remarks at a school board meeting, which is all on video. Nothing ever happened like that… When that didn’t work, he went after my wife and tried the same thing with her at her employer, trying to get her fired as well. So that was our complaint, that he was using his position.”

Taken together, the testimony does not describe a single disagreement. It outlines what the witness characterizes as a pattern—one in which complaints and allegations were not only filed but, in his view, weaponized to impact livelihoods.

Subscribe to the Olympic Herald

A Climate Where Pressure Was Felt

The deposition also describes an environment where even minor actions could trigger a response.

In one example, a teacher who simply “liked” a social media post was allegedly contacted directly:

“Jim Stoffer proceeded to call her and leave her a very nasty message… ‘You have no business to do that.’”

According to the testimony, the teacher removed the interaction afterward.

That moment—small as it may seem—speaks volumes about the broader environment.

Managing Optics Instead of Addressing Issues

Perhaps the most revealing portion of the deposition involves how complaints were handled internally.

The witness testified that after bringing forward concerns:

“Dr. Pryne sat on it. She didn’t do anything…”

He then described being told:

“I don’t want this coming out before the levy.”

That statement stands out.

Not because it proves intent—but because it reveals priorities.

Even Public Statements Raise Questions

In a 2021 interview with KONP, Stoffer addressed controversy surrounding allegations that he had revealed privileged information.

Specifically, he was asked about a resolution in which the Board called for his censure over those claims.

His response was unequivocal:

“That won’t transpire… we’re moving forward with a new board.”

When pressed whether he was confident the Board would drop the matter, his answer was just as direct:

“Yes.”

—signaling clear confidence that it would not move forward.

Taken alongside the deposition, those remarks are hard to reconcile: if concerns about sharing sensitive information were serious enough to warrant internal action, why were they so quickly dismissed in public?

In most parts of the country, a situation like this would draw immediate and sustained scrutiny. Allegations of personal retaliation, withholding information during an active investigation to protect a levy, and using the authority of an elected position for personal ends would ignite public outrage. Parents would demand answers. Meetings would be standing-room only. Accountability wouldn’t be optional—it would be unavoidable.

Here in Clallam County, the response is different. At times, the focus appears less on the substance of the allegations and more on managing perception and protecting reputations.

And that’s where the concern deepens.

Because if outcomes are being shaped before public processes have a chance to play out, it reinforces what the deposition suggests—questions about influence, coordination, and whether decisions are effectively made before the public is ever part of the conversation.

Praise at the Exit—and What It Says About the Culture

In September 2022, when Jim Stoffer resigned from the Sequim School Board, citing health issues, the response from his colleagues was overwhelmingly positive. There was no visible hesitation, no acknowledgment of the controversies that had surrounded his tenure—just praise.

Board member Patrice Johnston spoke to his accomplishments, pointing to his work with the State School Directors’ Association, trust lands, and legislative efforts. She emphasized how difficult he would be to replace, noting that his contributions were made “willingly and eagerly.”

Maren Halvorsen followed in a similar vein, describing Stoffer’s passion for the schools as something that was always present, something that “exuded from him at all times.” She spoke about the void his departure would leave, calling it a “big gap” for the board.

Board President Eric Pickens offered his own remarks, saying Stoffer had “certainly done his part” and would “be missed.”

On its face, it sounded like the kind of sendoff you might expect for any long-serving board member. But context matters.

These comments came after months of controversy—after allegations that confidential information had been shared, after a formal move toward censure, and after the kinds of claims described in sworn testimony. Yet none of that appeared to factor into how his tenure was publicly framed by the very people who continue to lead the district today.

That contrast is hard to ignore.

Because Johnston, Halvorsen, and Pickens are still on the board. They are still helping shape policy, still influencing direction, still setting the tone for how issues are handled and how accountability is defined. When those same individuals look back on that period and present it in wholly positive terms, it raises a fair question about how those events are viewed internally—and whether they are viewed as concerns at all.

The Present-Day Reality

If this were just about the past, it might not matter.

But the same concerns are surfacing in different ways today.

Last year, during four days at the Clallam County Fair, conversations at the CC Watchdog booth revealed a consistent theme: dissatisfaction with the Sequim School District. Many parents described pulling their children out and turning to homeschooling—not out of convenience, but out of concern.

And just this week, the district itself acknowledged challenges. A school board meeting focused on declining enrollment and an increase in departing staff.

Those are not abstract trends.

They are measurable shifts in confidence.

Perception Is Becoming Reality

Among many parents, there is a growing perception that the district’s leadership is being shaped more by politics than by a focus on education. Names that frequently come up in those conversations include Jim Stoffer, often linked to groups like Indivisible, and Patrice Johnston, particularly in connection with the League of Women Voters.

Whether that perception is fully accurate or not, it is clearly taking hold.

And when families begin acting on that perception—by leaving—the consequences become real.

The Question That Won’t Go Away

The deposition does not provide final answers. It presents testimony—one perspective, under oath—about how events unfolded.

But now, with a second deposition surfacing, the consistency between them is becoming harder to ignore.

The same names.
The same dynamics.
The same concerns.

So the question isn’t just what happened then.

It’s whether the system that allowed it is still in place now.

Today’s Tidbit

🚨 New COMPLIANT campaign signs are here for Jake Seegers’ run for County Commissioner!
We now have pickup locations in each district—come grab yours and help show your support!

📍 Port Angeles Pickup
🏋️ Storm King Athletic Club
📍 224 E 1st St, Port Angeles
🗓 Wednesdays & Fridays
⏰ 4:30pm – 6:30pm

👉 Signs and stakes are just inside the door. Please be respectful—this is an active gym with classes in session, so let’s not disrupt members.

🎪 Sequim Pickup (This Weekend!)
🎉 FREE Sequim Logging Show
📍 Find us at the CC Watchdog booth

🗓 Friday – starting at 4:00pm
🗓 Saturday – starting at 11:00am

🌲 Forks / West End Pickup
🗣 “Community Conversation” with Jake
🗓 Next weekend, stay tuned for details

Join Jake's email list

🔧 Already have a sign?
🟡 Hang onto it!
We’ve got compliance stickers in production that will bring your current signs up to code soon.

🙌 It’s been great seeing so many signs popping up across the county. This is shaping up to be an active next six months—and Jake truly appreciates the support!

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A man with a violent, multi-state criminal history is arrested a second time in Clallam County. As patterns mount, officials continue to question whether out-of-area offenders are really coming here at all. Meanwhile, taxpayers are left footing the bill.

Gerard Robert Fleetwood, 42, was arrested Friday in Clallam County and charged with interference with a healthcare facility, resisting arrest, unlawful imprisonment, and assault.

If the name sounds familiar, it should.

CC Watchdog previously reported on Fleetwood in December when he was arrested locally on charges including fugitive from justice and fourth-degree assault. But his history doesn’t start—or end—here.

In 2020, Fleetwood was arrested in Hoboken, New Jersey after a violent incident involving robbery, knives, and injuries to two police officers. At the time, Hoboken Police described him as a “10-time felon.” According to reports, he entered a vehicle, stole a phone, threatened a victim with a knife, and later resisted arrest so aggressively that officers were injured during the struggle.

Now he’s in Clallam County.

Roughly 3,000 miles from where that story unfolded.

Which raises a question that keeps coming up: why here?

A Pattern That’s Getting Harder to Ignore

Fleetwood is not an isolated case. Over the past year, CC Watchdog has highlighted arrests involving individuals with criminal histories tied to states like Montana, Arizona, Missouri, California, and Arkansas.

At a certain point, it stops looking random.

At some point, it stops looking like coincidence and starts looking like a pattern—one that comes with a cost. When individuals like Fleetwood are arrested and held here, those costs don’t follow them from out of state. Jail, healthcare, indigent defense, and court proceedings are all absorbed locally—by Clallam County taxpayers.

What People on the Ground Are Saying

That pattern is something residents—and even those who have experienced homelessness locally—say they’re seeing firsthand.

In an interview with county commissioner candidate Jake Seegers, recovering addict Chelsea Jones described an encampment where eight people were from her home state of Missouri. According to Jones, word had spread that the Olympic Peninsula was an easier place to live while homeless.

Another interview, with a woman named Jen who had previously been homeless in the area, included a blunt observation: Port Angeles was “the first place I’ve seen spoiled homeless people.”

Those perspectives may not come from official reports, but they reflect lived experience—and they line up with what many residents say they’re noticing.

What Was Said at the Commissioners’ Forum

At last month’s Commissioner Forum, Commissioner Mike French was asked directly whether Clallam County’s approach to homelessness and harm reduction might be drawing people from outside the area.

French acknowledged uncertainty, saying he doesn’t have definitive data, but added that his general view is no—that services are not a primary driver.

Instead, he offered a different explanation.

“Generally no,” French said when asked if services are attracting people here. He went on to suggest that Clallam County’s remoteness could be a factor, noting that if someone has a warrant elsewhere, “you go to the remote place, right?”

He also cautioned against what he described as a tendency to shift blame outward.

“The focus right now is on finger-pointing,” French said, arguing that saying people are coming from somewhere else and “they’re not our community” risks becoming “an abdication of our responsibility.”

At the same time, French acknowledged that the largest concentration of homelessness is in Port Angeles—where the majority of services are located.

That leaves a tension that wasn’t fully resolved in the discussion.

If people are drawn by remoteness, why are they concentrated where services are?

And if services aren’t a factor, why is that concentration so closely tied to where those services exist?

Other Views—and Open Questions

Commissioner Randy Johnson recently shared his own observation from a visit to Serenity House, where he said that out of roughly 115 individuals staying there, only four were from out of town.

That may be accurate for that setting on that night. But it raises broader questions about how origin is tracked, how representative that snapshot is, and what it leaves out.

Not everyone experiencing homelessness is in a shelter. Many are in encampments, RVs, or dispersed throughout the county in ways that aren’t as easily measured.

What Residents Are Seeing

For many in the community, this debate isn’t abstract.

They’re seeing arrest reports. They’re recognizing repeat names. They’re noticing that some of those names come with long histories from other states.

And when those observations are dismissed as “finger-pointing,” it creates a growing disconnect between what people are experiencing and what they’re being told.

The Policy Question That Follows

All of this is happening as discussions continue about increasing taxes to fund public safety and related services.

Which makes the core issue harder to avoid.

If there’s uncertainty—or disagreement—about what’s driving these patterns, then what exactly is the strategy for addressing them?

And how do you build public confidence in that strategy if the underlying problem is still being debated?

Time to Reevaluate

Fleetwood’s arrest is one more data point in a trend that many residents believe is already clear.

The question now isn’t just how he got here—but whether local leadership is willing to take a hard look at why cases like this keep happening, and whether the current approach is actually working.

Because without that reassessment, the trajectory doesn’t change.

Today’s Tidbit

Those who attended the Public Safety Town Hall will remember David Rogers. After Commissioner Mike French said it was the public’s responsibility to reclaim public spaces, Rogers invited him to walk those same spaces together in downtown Port Angeles. What follows is from Rogers’ Facebook post yesterday, unedited.

Long post but I hope you read until the end.

Last Wednesday I had the opportunity to take a walk with commissioner Mike French, and I want to start by saying I genuinely appreciate his willingness to have these conversations. They aren’t always easy, and it matters when elected officials are willing to step out, listen, and engage directly with the community.

We covered a lot of ground, starting with something I think many people are feeling right now, a real decline in the sense of safety in our community. It’s not just a statistic, it’s a lived experience. Open-air drug use, camps popping up and leaving trash behind, and situations where law enforcement is called but there are little to no visible consequences. That wears on people over time.

To Mike’s credit, we agreed on several points. We talked about the need for more funding for law enforcement and the fact that Port Angeles is bringing on additional officers with recent funding allowances. That’s a positive step. But I also shared a concern I hear often, adding officers only helps if those officers are actually allowed to enforce the law. If their hands are tied, more staffing alone won’t solve the problem.

We also discussed housing, and this is where I have some serious concerns. When we’re talking about $350,000+ per unit for permanent transitional housing, and that’s before ongoing operating costs, it raises real questions about sustainability. Beyond cost, there’s also a practical reality: if someone is placed in a fully furnished unit, with a kitchen, bathroom, and even a water view, with no clear timeline or expectations to move on… what’s the incentive to transition out? Especially when what’s waiting on the other side is often more expensive and lower quality.

Another concern I shared is around “low barrier” housing. While the intention may be good, I worry that it doesn’t create a safe or supportive environment for people who are actively trying to get clean. When active use is allowed in the same space, it can undermine those who are working hard to change their lives. In effect, we risk creating environments where addiction is maintained rather than challenged.

We also touched on MAT (Medication-Assisted Treatment) programs. I do support these, when they are done correctly and with strong oversight. Unfortunately, what I’ve seen and heard too often is inconsistent management and over prescribing, which limits their effectiveness.

Through all of this, I will say I felt heard. Mike didn’t push back heavily on most of these points, and I appreciate that. But at the same time, I didn’t walk away feeling a clear sense of action or urgency. Maybe that’s where more voices from the community come in, I’m just one person.

One thing that really stood out to me, though, was a difference in tone compared to another recent conversation. When I told Jake Seegers that I was meeting with Mike, his response was overwhelmingly positive. He called Mike a great guy, said disagreements on policy are normal, and encouraged the conversation.

During my walk with Commissioner French, the tone was different. A few times he made comments along the lines of “that’s why I don’t think you’re like them,” or that I was different from others at the public safety meeting because I “ have compasion.” I understand the intent may have been to be complimentary, but I felt it missed something important.

I told him directly, I don’t think I’m different. I think most people in our community care deeply. And when people feel ignored, frustrated, or like nothing is changing, even good people can say things they normally wouldn’t. I shared a personal example: calling law enforcement, watching nothing happen, and eventually losing my patience and confronting the situation myself. That’s not how I want to act, but it came from feeling like I was hitting a wall.

That’s why I appreciated Jake’s perspective. It showed a level of confidence, in himself and in his ideas, that allows for open dialogue without needing to separate people into “reasonable” and “unreasonable” groups. I think we need more of that.

At the end of the day, I’m grateful for the conversation with Commissioner French. These discussions matter. But I also think it’s important that we continue to push for not just conversation, but clear direction, accountability, and action.

If we want our community to feel safe again, we can’t just talk about the issues, we have to be willing to address them head-on.

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Clallam County canceled public meetings despite having a quorum available. At the same time, one commissioner is tied to a Maui conference funded through taxpayer-backed associations, while internal emails reveal extraordinary access, praise, and coordination with powerful interests. The contrast raises a fundamental question: when it comes to time, attention, and influence—who comes first?

The county commissioners’ work session today and Tuesday’s weekly meeting are canceled this week due to “scheduling conflicts.”

According to a public records request, the first eight days of May, Commissioner Mark Ozias is either “out of office” or attending a “WIR Conference.”

What is the “WIR Conference”?

It appears to be the Western Interstate Regional Conference, hosted by the National Association of Counties (NACo)—an NGO that serves as the parent organization of the Washington State Association of Counties (WSAC), a statewide lobbying organization that has advocated for tax increases without direct voter approval.

WSAC is led by its president: Mark Ozias.

And where is this conference?

May 5–8. Maui, Hawaii.

Commissioner Ozias has previously contended that Clallam County taxpayers do not directly fund his attendance at WSAC or NACo events—that those organizations cover the cost.

But those same organizations collect roughly $40,000 annually from Clallam County in membership dues—a voluntary expense funded by taxpayers.

So yes, in a roundabout way, Clallam County taxpayers are very likely footing the bill for a trip to Maui.

So why cancel the meetings?

That’s where things get more difficult to explain.

Only a quorum of two commissioners is required to conduct county business. And based on publicly available calendars:

• Commissioner Mike French appears to be in town and scheduled for county-related events, including OlyCAP’s 60th anniversary.

• Commissioner Randy Johnson is also available and scheduled for multiple county obligations.

In other words: the Board could meet.

Yet the meetings are canceled.

Emails were sent asking why. No response.

One additional factor: County Administrator Todd Mielke is on vacation this week. Often referred to as the “fourth commissioner,” Mielke plays a central role in guiding meetings and answering questions.

Which raises a fair question:

Are commissioners—paid $118,000 a year plus benefits—unwilling, or unable, to conduct public business without him?

As commissioners increasingly engage in outside organizations and regional networks, the reliance on administrative staff to interface with the public appears to have grown. Canceling meetings altogether, rather than proceeding with available elected officials, only reinforces that perception.

Who Gets Access—and Who Doesn’t

A recently reviewed email chain from 2018 offers a revealing contrast.

In it, Commissioner Ozias—wearing another of his many “hats” as Chair of the Olympic Coast National Marine Sanctuary Foundation—personally solicits funding from Jamestown Corporation CEO Ron Allen.

The tone is striking.

After the Tribe commits $10,000, Ozias responds:

“Wow!!! … I continue to be grateful for the multitude of ways in which the Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe engages with the community. Your leadership is inspiring…”

Multiple exclamation points. Repeated praise. Direct outreach.

At one point, Ozias encourages Allen—who was in Washington, D.C.—with:

“In the meantime, while in DC, give ‘em hell!”

This is not distant, arms-length governance. This is close, enthusiastic partnership.

And it raises a simple question:

What kind of everyday taxpayer gets this level of access?

When property owners write checks—often far larger than $5,000—to fund county government, do they receive this kind of praise? This level of engagement? This enthusiasm?

Or is that reserved for institutions with influence, resources, and political alignment?

The Many “Hats” of Mark Ozias

Mark Ozias simultaneously occupies a growing number of roles.

• County Commissioner

• President of WSAC

• President of the North Olympic Development Council (NODC)

• Chair of the Salish Behavioral Health Organization

• President of Sequim Food Bank

• President of the Olympic View Community Foundation

Each role brings influence. Each creates overlapping relationships.

And in some cases, those overlaps become difficult to ignore.

Coordinating Treatment, Steering Conversations

In another portion of the emails, Ozias is actively coordinating between:

• A private MAT provider (BayMark)

• The Tribe’s planned MAT clinic

• The Salish Behavioral Health Organization (SBHO)

He writes about arranging meetings between the parties, noting that:

“This is a big deal for the SBHO… they will be making a major investment in our community and we wish to be good partners.”

At the same time, Ron Allen describes plans for the Tribe’s clinic, including:

“a bussing system to serve west Clallam County and over to Jefferson County.”

That detail stands out—particularly given prior public messaging that minimized or denied such plans.

Meanwhile, SBHO is the entity responsible for distributing opioid settlement funds.

So the question becomes unavoidable:

When a county commissioner is simultaneously:

• helping coordinate between providers,

• serving as chair of the funding body,

• and working closely with a major institutional partner,

Where is the line between collaboration and conflict of interest?

Follow the Influence

The Jamestown S’Klallam Tribe, through its corporate enterprises, generates tens of millions in annual revenue. At the same time, tribal entities operate under different tax structures—often exempt from many of the property, sales, and lodging taxes that fund local government. This creates an unfair advantage.

Yet when relatively modest contributions are made to projects, the response from county leadership is enthusiastic, immediate, and personal.

Meanwhile, the taxpayers who fund the system—year in and year out—see meetings canceled, questions unanswered, and access limited.

Back to This Week

All of this context makes the current situation harder to dismiss as routine.

• A commissioner is attending a conference in Maui tied to organizations funded by taxpayer dollars.

• Two commissioners appear available to conduct business.

• The county cancels meetings anyway.

• The administrator is out.

• Questions go unanswered.

At a minimum, it reflects a troubling set of priorities.

At worst, it suggests a governing culture more comfortable engaging with institutions, sovereign governments, and insiders than with the public it was elected to serve.

The Question That Remains

Clallam County residents don’t expect perfection.

But they do expect availability. Transparency. Accountability.

And above all:

That public business is prioritized above private conferences—and that elected officials serve the public with the same energy and enthusiasm they show behind closed doors.

Because right now, the contrast is hard to ignore.

Allen And Ozias Emails 2018

205KB ∙ PDF file

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Today’s Tidbit

Remember when a commenter took to Nextdoor to scold a new steakhouse in Sequim, saying it “exemplifies the haves and have nots”?

Well… they may want to sit this one out.

The Cedars at Dungeness—owned by the Jamestown Corporation—recently hosted a $122.50 per person tequila pairing dinner, complete with five courses, a featured tequila expert, and what was described as an “elevated experience that is par none on the Olympic Peninsula.”

We’re talking:

• Mesquite grilled prawns

• Guajillo braised pork shoulder

• Charred halibut with fig mole

• Mexican chocolate fried ice cream

• And five premium tequila pairings to match

An “intimate, immersive setting” with “fantastic tequila and even better company.”

No complaints about “haves and have nots” there.

But here’s the part that never seems to make the conversation:

Some businesses in this county:

• Pay property taxes

• Pay federal income tax

• Collect and remit sales tax

• Undergo health inspections

• Pull permits for events

• Register vehicles and pay tabs

• Provide mandated employee benefits

And some don’t—because they operate under a sovereign corporate structure that operates as a tax shelter and exempts them from many of those obligations.

Same marketplace. Very different rulebook.

So if we’re going to talk about “haves and have nots,” maybe the conversation should include not just who can afford a $122 dinner—but who’s operating with a built-in structural advantage from the start.

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In this Sundays With Seegers, Clallam County Commissioner candidate Jake Seegers lays out a clear case for restoring Olympic Hot Springs Road—and invites the community to take action. With tourism revenue declining, access restricted for over a decade, and no clear federal timeline, this is a grassroots effort to unite residents, support local businesses, and demand accountability. The petition starts here—but the movement belongs to all of us.

The Road That Built a Gateway—And the Silence That Followed

For generations, the Elwha River entrance to Olympic National Park wasn’t just a road—it was a lifeline.

Fifteen minutes from downtown Port Angeles, Olympic Hot Springs Road connected families, small businesses, and visitors to one of the most unique corridors in the entire park system. It was how people experienced the park’s interior—filling local restaurants, keeping lodging booked, and enticing visitors to stay longer as they ventured deeper into Olympic National Park.

And then it was gone.

Flood damage following the removal of the Glines Canyon Dam washed out sections of the road. That was more than a decade ago.

Since then? Promises. Meetings. Timelines that came and went.

Construction was once projected to begin in 2021 and finish by 2023.

We’re now years past that—and still no road, no access, and no clear plan.

The Cost of Inaction

Clallam County is not just any county—it’s a rural economy surrounded by federally managed land.

More than half of our land base lies within Olympic National Park. Instead of generating property tax, it supports our economy through tourism. That means access matters—it is not optional, it is foundational.

And yet:

• Tourism spending declined from $300.7 million in 2018 to $284.4 million in 2023

• Inflation rose 26.4% over that same period

• Population growth has effectively stalled at 0.65%, compared to 4.6% statewide

That’s not just data—that’s pressure on families, on small businesses, and on public services.

When one of the park’s most heavily used entrances—77,665 vehicles in 2014, the third busiest in the park—remains closed indefinitely, the impact is real.

Access Is Not a Luxury—It’s the Mission

The National Park Service was created with a dual mandate: protect resources and ensure their enjoyment by present and future generations.

Olympic National Park’s Elwha Valley entrance is one of the few corridors that provides meaningful access to the park’s interior wilderness.

Closing Olympic Hot Springs Road for over a decade without a clear path forward isn’t balance—it’s abandonment.

And that’s where the community comes in.

Writing Our Own “Letter of Support”

For too long, we’ve waited for action to come from the top down.

This effort flips that model.

Instead of waiting for another agency letter, another delayed timeline, another round of silence—we are creating our own.

A petition. A unified voice. A direct request to:

• The Department of the Interior

• The National Park Service

• The Federal Highway Administration

• Washington’s congressional delegation

• State leadership

The ask is simple and reasonable:

• Prioritize restoration of Olympic Hot Springs Road

• Expedite planning, permitting, and funding

• Establish and release a clear, public timeline

This isn’t about politics. It’s about access, accountability, and economic survival.

A Moment to Come Together

This is bigger than one road.

It’s about how a rural community responds when systems stall.

It’s about choosing to act instead of waiting.

It’s about recognizing that solutions don’t always start in government offices—they often start with people willing to stand up and say, this matters.

And right now, this matters.

Join Us—Starting Next Friday

We’re taking this effort directly to the community.

📍 Find us at the Clallam County Watchdog booth at the Sequim Logging Show
🗓 This Friday and Saturday

You’ll be able to:

• Review the petition

• Sign in person

• Ask questions

• Be part of shaping the next step

This will remain a focused effort through June—a sustained push to make sure our voices are heard where decisions are made.

Call to Action: Download, Print, Share

We’re asking you to take it one step further.

Download the petition template.
Print it.
Share it with your neighbors, your coworkers, your community.

Collect signatures. Start conversations. Be part of the solution.

Olympic Hot Springs Road Petition

3.18KB ∙ PDF file

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Download

Mail completed petition forms to:

Jake Seegers
131 E 1st Street, Suite 403
Port Angeles, WA 98362

Because this is our chance—not just to reopen a road—but to demonstrate what happens when a community refuses to sit on the sidelines.

We’re not waiting for a letter of support.

We’re writing it ourselves.

Full Petition

This is the Statement of Request that will be sent in June, accompanied by signatures.

Statement Of Request

52.5KB ∙ PDF file

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PETITION TO RESTORE OLYMPIC HOT SPRINGS ROAD AND REOPEN THE ELWHA RIVER ENTRANCE TO OLYMPIC NATIONAL PARK

Statement of Request

We, the undersigned citizens and supporters of Clallam County, respectfully petition the Department of Interior, National Parks Service the Federal Highway Administration,

Washington’s congressional delegation, the Washington State legislature and other relevant public officials to:

1. Prioritize and advance the restoration of vehicle access to the Elwha River entrance of Olympic National Park;

2. Expedite all planning, permitting, environmental review, and funding necessary to begin reconstruction; and

3. Establish and publicly release a clear course of action and firm timeline for reconstruction of Olympic Hot Springs Road;

4. Restore this vital public access corridor in recognition of its economic, recreational, and public-use importance to Clallam County and future generations.

Supporting Facts

Whereas:

1. Clallam County is an economically challenged rural county heavily dependent on park-related tourism. More than half of Clallam County’s land lies within Olympic National Park, and tourism is critical to local businesses, county revenues, and public services.

2. Tourism spending has declined while costs have risen. Visitor spending in Clallam County fell from $300.7 million in 2018 to $284.4 million in 2023, while regional inflation rose 26.4%, compounding economic strain.

3. Continued inaction has harmed both public access and the local economy. Failure to rebuild the road has restricted access to the park interior, harmed tourism-dependent businesses, and undermined economic opportunity in Clallam County.

4. The U.S. Department of the Interior’s Order No. 3434 emphasizes coordination with gateway communities. Renewed engagement with local tribes, municipalities, inholders and Clallam County to establish a clear path forward for restoring Olympic Hot Springs Road is consistent with that order.

5. The Elwha River entrance was one of Olympic National Park’s most important access points. Before closure, the Elwha entrance ranked as the third most-trafficked entrance in the park, recording 77,665 vehicles in 2014, and supported local restaurants, lodging and retail;

6. Public access to the Elwha Valley has been severely limited for more than a decade. Since damage to Olympic Hot Springs Road, no meaningful progress has been made toward restoring vehicle access, despite earlier indications construction could begin in 2021 and be completed by 2023; and

7. Restoration of Olympic Hot Springs Road is consistent with the National Park Service’s obligation to provide for the public’s enjoyment of park resources. Reopening this corridor would restore access to a vital public resource and support present and future generations.

Petition Declaration

By signing below, I support this petition and urge federal and state officials to take prompt action to restore Olympic Hot Springs Road and reopen the Elwha River entrance.

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Editor’s Note: CC Watchdog editor Jeff Tozzer also serves as campaign manager for Jake Seegers during his run for Clallam County Commissioner, District 3. Learn more at www.JakeSeegers.com.

A candidate’s kids find attack ads plastered across downtown. A citizen offers to expand a controversial shower program. A fugitive is tracked down by K-9. And a suspect in a child exploitation case walks free. Add in activist rhetoric, political targeting, and policy contradictions—and you start to see the pattern. Welcome to this week’s Social Media Saturday.

Stickers, Kids, and a Lesson in Respect

Thursday night’s meetup at Barhop in Port Angeles brought out a strong crowd to meet 24th Legislative District candidate Marcia Kelbon. Jake Seegers was there too—with his kids.

But on the way out, attendees noticed something else: downtown had been peppered with stickers targeting Seegers, calling him a “carpetbagger” and “out of town real estate investor.”

His kids thought it was funny—spotting their dad’s face hidden around town—but Seegers used the moment as a teaching opportunity: respect property, and focus on debating ideas—not tearing people down.

Because here’s the reality: someone now has to clean that up. Either business owners remove them from benches and railings, or taxpayers fund city crews to scrape them off public property.

And here’s where the double standard comes into focus. Some of Clallam County’s own elected commissioners have openly placed stickers on their county-issued laptops—public property—and defended it as a form of personal expression.

So when defacing public surfaces becomes “expression” in one context, but a nuisance in another, it’s fair to ask: where’s the line?

And this morning? Seegers is out volunteering in the “Big Spring Spruce Up,” helping clean the same downtown others chose to deface.

Which raises a fair question—if you believe in your candidate, why not promote their record instead?

“Mike French has made our county safer.”
“Mike French has made Clallam County more affordable.”

Wear it. Post it. Stand behind it.

But don’t stick it on someone else’s property.

Shower Vouchers and Shifting Boundaries

After the Shore Pool Board unanimously voted to reinstate shower vouchers distributed through the County’s Harm Reduction Center, one local resident took things a step further.

Jon Redmond suggested he might purchase vouchers himself and distribute them—so recipients wouldn’t be limited to morning hours and could access showers alongside families and children throughout the day.

That raises an obvious question: if expanded access is the goal, why not offer that access at his home?

Or better yet—why not direct people to Serenity House? It’s a taxpayer-funded facility, designed as a shelter, and already equipped with showers. The bus goes there for free twice an hour.

Instead, vouchers are being handed out at the Harm Reduction Center alongside drug paraphernalia—pick up a crack pipe cleaning kit, a meth pipe, a “boofing kit,” and a shower voucher, all in the same place.

K-9 Dutch Gets It Done

Credit where it’s due: the Clallam County Sheriff’s Office—and multiple partner agencies—apprehended a Department of Corrections escapee in Carlsborg this week after a coordinated manhunt.

The suspect, 21-year-old Matthew T. Griffis, fled on foot when deputies attempted contact. What followed was a multi-agency response involving local, state, and regional law enforcement.

But it was K-9 “Dutch” who ultimately closed the gap—tracking Griffis to his final location, where he surrendered.

Strong work by law enforcement.

Which makes this worth remembering: at a recent Public Safety Town Hall, Commissioner Mike French was one of just three attendees—out of 172—who said Clallam County is as safe, or safer, than it was four years ago.

Serious Charges, Same-Day Release

Another case raising serious concerns: a 23-year-old Sequim man facing multiple felony charges related to child sexual abuse material was arrested—and then released on personal recognizance.

The investigation was extensive, involving dark web activity, cryptocurrency transactions, and digital concealment tools.

Despite the severity of the charges, the suspect was released with conditions.

So the question becomes unavoidable:

Is Clallam County really safer than it was four years ago?

When Activism Crosses the Line

On Nextdoor, one local activist warned that “the wealthiest white men are a greater threat to safety than the unhoused.”

Swap out the “white” demographic—would that statement be acceptable? Or would it be racist?

This same individual is an educator in the Chimicum School District and is being considered by the county commissioners to fill a vacant position on the Developmental Disability Advisory Committee.

Targeting, Complaints, and Political Theater

Backed by the League of Women Voters, Indivisible has found a new focus: Jake Seegers.

Members are encouraging complaints to the Public Disclosure Commission, labeling him “under fire,” and describing him as a “MAGA in Patagonia clothing.”

The irony? The PDC complaint centers on a technical issue with font size on campaign signs—something the campaign is actively correcting.

At the same time, critics speculate that a photo of Seegers’ daughter holding syringes collected during a beach cleanup might not even be real.

Here’s a simple challenge: If you claim misinformation—prove it.

Point to the exact claim. Provide the evidence.